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Adolfo B

DOLFO EaLL^IYIAN

THE LIFE OF PIZARRO.

776

Li^ THE

^^^ I F E OF P I Z A R R

WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF

HIS ASSOCIATES IN THE CONQUEST

OF PERU.

BY ARTHUR HELPS,

AUTHOR OF THE " SPANISH CONQUEST IN AMERICA, *'

^^ FRIENDS IN COUNCIL,"

ETC.

SECOND EDITION.

\

LONDON:

BELL AND DALDY, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.

1869.

PREFACE.

THINK that some further explanation
should be given of the motives which
have led to the publication, separately,
of the lives of those men who were foremost among
the early discoverers and conquerors of the New
World, and whose deeds are, for the most part,
narrated in '' the Spanish Conquest in America."
It has been justly asked. Why does the author
break up his History in this way ? The answer
is as follows: —

That History was written with a practical
object. The author hoped that the plans which
had been adopted by the greatest Spanish states-
men for gradually reducing and ultimately obli-
terating the evil of slavery, would be of service

vi PREFACE.

in the United States. He felt, as every English-
man, who knows anything of the subject, must
feel, that the British nation, having introduced
slavery into its American Colonies, we all were
bound to further in any way we could the abolition
of that enormous evil. At the time when " The
Spanish Conquest in America " was written, there
was no immediate prospect of the solution of this
great question of slavery by a civil war. In the
course of events that History has become, to a
certain extent, obsolete. Several persons sug-
gested to the author that it would be well to
rescue from oblivion certain portions of it. This
idea pleased him mainly because he thought that
in this way the labours and sufferings of several
most notable men in history might be put into a
readable form for the world ; and amongst them
more especially those of one of the most remark-
able men in history. He alludes to the labours
and sufferings of the " Apostle of the Indies,"
Las Casas.

In any history of slavery Las Casas must oc-
cupy a prominent part. The author of '^ The
Spanish Conquest in America " had been obliged

PREFACE. vii

to study the life of that great man with care and
minuteness. He thought that it would be an
especial pity if his researches into the life of
Las Casas should be lost^ because the history
which embodied them had ceased to apply di-
rectly to the present state of the world. The
story of the life of a man like Las Casas is of
perennial usefulness. The subjects for the en-
deavours of great men may change ; but the spirit
in which these endeavours should be undertaken
remains unchanged. There is no man, however
great the cause which he advocates, or indeed
however small it may be, so that it be one con-
nected with the public welfare, who may not derive
something either to instruct, to guide, or to encou-
rage him, in reading the life of Las Casas. I know
that it may be said that a biographer is apt to
become a blind admirer ; but I am sure that the
admiration is not in this case misplaced.

The same thing that has been said of Las
Casas may be said, in a lower degree, of other
heroes who appear in the great tragedy of
the Spanish Conquest in America. Columbus,
Cortes, Pizarro, Vasco Nunez, were all typical

viii PREFACE.

men. On this account it seemed desirable that
the knowledge which had been gained by an his-
torian respecting these characters — that historian
having written from a peculiar point of view —
should not be altogether lost to the world because
the course of events had happily prevented the
history from being of that service which the author
had intended it to be in practical life, and espe-
cially in the national life of our brethren in
America.

INTRODUCTION.

HIS life of Pizarro, like those which
have been recently published of Colum-
bus and Las Casas, has been taken
mainly from my history of the Spanish Conquest
in America.

It has been formed into a biographical narrative
by the Rev. F. Watkins^ by bringing together
the facts about Pizarro, which lay scattered
over a long history, and condensing them into a
biography.

Amongst discoverers Columbus holds the first
place : and Las Casas, Pizarro, and Cortes were
also men who may be considered representa-
tive men in the several vocations in which they
laboured.

Pizarro, for instance, affords the highest type

-'-'^NTR OB UCTION.

of a common soldier. Brave^ faithful, enduring,
apt in all the exercises and the duties of his calling,
he was the very man to form one of a band of in-
vincibles, who would be equally great whether in
advance or in retreat, whether as besiegers or be-
sieged — not to be daunted by the extremes of
peril or of hardship, nor for a moment neglecting
discipline^^iir-the midst of unwont^d-4^xury and

There was alaa--«ometftmg more in Pizarro,
Kising from the humblest origin without a^y
education, he is never pretentious ; when us
comes to command, he is not elated by power ;\
when he gains the highest station, he fills it
as if he had been born to it. He is always
calm, polite, dignified. So much does he bear
himself like one who had been born in the
purple, that one forgets, and one sees that
those around him forgot, that my " Lord Go-
vernor " was an utterly ignorant man, who could
not even write his own name. The Spaniards of
that age were not a people who by any means
undervalued noble birth or learning; but they
had also a keen appreciation of what constitutes
greatness in a man, and could obey and eveii

INTRODUCTION. xi

verence one who was neither an hidalgo, nor had
the slightest pretence to culture.

There were, however, two causes affecting
Spaniards (not peculiar to that generation only)
which greatly conduced to such a result. The
first is, that every Spaniard, whatever may be his
birth, is somewhat of a gentleman, and is not
ashamed of his position in life, whatever that
position may be. It always seems as if he was
too proud to wish to be anything else than he is,
much more, to put on the appearance of being
anything else. Hence he is never vulgar, for all
vulgarity may be described as an endeavour to
appear to be something different from what we
are.

The second cause is this,— namely, that though
there are great differences in the various dialects
spoken in Spain, there is not one dialect for the
higher classes and another for the lower; and there-
fore a Spaniard may be very poorly educated, and
yet speak a language which will not in any way
affront the ears of his more refined fellow-country-
man. This was, and is, a signal advantage for
men like Pizarro, as, when they attain to high
station, their language is not necessarily unbe-

xii INTRODUCTION.

cominsr that station. That this statement is true
as regards the present case^ is manifest from
the fact that the historians and biographers of the
period of the Conquest, when quoting the words
of Pizarro, and of others like him, whose rise in
life had been very great, never comment upon
the language used by these brave men as being
low, vulgar, or misplaced.

Pizarro was one of those persons, who, if his
lot had been cast in a settled State, and in unad-
venturous times, would never have risen to any
conspicuous position. Whether as a soldier, a
merchant, a lawyer, or an agriculturist, he would
have been a good, steady, faithful lieutenajit, but
would have been out of place except as second in
command.

Placed, however, in such situations as he occu-
pied in the New World — being one in a small
band of adventurous men, surrounded by tens of
thousands of enemies — passing through countries
untraversed before by any European, and hav-
ing daily to encounter everything that could be
imagined that was new and hostile — the humble
good qualities which he possessed in such a re-
markable degree, the qualities of faithfulness, re-

INTRODUCTION, xiii

soluteness, endurance, and dogged courage, na-
turally carried him up to the high rank which
he has ever occupied as one of the foremost con-
querors of the New World.

An exemplary humanity, a keen solicitude for
the conquered people, any care for the preservation
of works of art and ancient buildings, or wondrous
skill in policy, were things not to be expected
from a man of his nature and breeding. If he
had been taught them, no man would have car-
ried them more resolutely into action. Had he
been, for instance, a disciple of Las Casas, he
might have been the second in command among
the hosts of the philanthropists ; but as it was, he
has left a name, not without just and high re-
nown, but upon which there are sad stains of
cruelty and rapine.

He perished permaturely, as many people do fall
in this life, more on account of his good qualities
than of his errors and his faults. He was remark-
ably clement, as clement as Julius Caesar — that
is to his own countrymen. He was singularly
unsuspicious — that is, as regards those fellow-
countrymen. The first man to suspect an am-
buscade of Indians, or any stratagem of warfare

xi V INTR OD UCTION.

he was the last man to believe in the existence
of any conspiracy of his fellow-countrymen
against himself — against one who, as he knew.,
was always anxious to maintain their power and
increase their welfare.

The favour, too, which he showed his brothers,
who were men of the highest ability, and of cul-
ture very superior to his own, was a touching
proof of the modesty and humility of his character.
He knew that they were very superior to him,
except, indeed, in the gifts of prudence and mo-
deration, and he was inclined to give them the
weio-ht in g-overnment which he thouo:ht belono:ed
to them rather than to himself.

Conspiracies are mostly very dnimatic things;
but there is not any conspiracy more dramatic
than that which led to the death of Pizarro.
From the first you feel, even when ignorant of
the result, that a man so confiding as Pizarro was,
so confident in the goodness of his cause, merely
because it was good, is meant to be a victim.
There are few scenes in history more touching
than that which took place in the interview be-
tween Pizarro and Juan de Eada, the chief of the
conspirators; and never do Pizarro's best quali-

INTRODUCTION, xv

ties — namely, clemency, candour, truthfulness,
and reliance upon justice, shine forth more con-
spicuously than in that interview.

After all, it must be acknowledged that Pizarro
was not one of the least admirable of those men
who have earned a great, though sorrowful re-
nown, from having taken a leading part in the
Spanish Conquest in America.

In judging the part such men as Pizarro played
in these events we must not forget the stern
character of the times they lived in, and their
complete and necessary dependence, in their isola-
tion, upon their own firmness and determination.
In fact, their training and surrounding circum-
stances all tended towards the development of
severity and tyranny, that is as regards the con-
quered people ; and we can hardly wonder that
so few of them have come forth with a fame
that after-ages can thoroughly venerate or love.

CONTENTS.

BOOK THE FIRST.

Chapter I.

Page
RANCISCO PIZ AERO— His Birth— His
Brothers — No Possessions — No Educa-
tion — Is Ojeda\s Lieutenant — Left by
him at San Sebastian ...... 1

Chapter II.

Ojeda — His treacherous Capture of Caonabo — Obtains
the Government of Uraba — Joins with Nicuesa —
Founds San Sebastian — Is in great difficulties —
Leaves Pizarro there as his Lieutenant — Loses his
Power — Dies a Monk 5

Chapter III.

Pizarro in the Neighbourhood of the Pacific — Takes
his men away from San Sebastian — Meets Enciso,
Ojeda's Partner — Vasco Nunez — The Expedition
returns to San Sebastian — Nicuesa — Nicuesa
turned adrift — Vasco Nuiiez takes the Command 16

xviii CONTENTS.

Chapter IV.

Page

Vasco Nunez takes the command — Sends away Enciso
— The Expedition is nearly failing — The Cacique
Careta — Vasco Nunez loves his daughter — The
Cacique Comogre — Comogre's son — The young
man's speech — Tidings of the Pacific and rich
nations southwards — Pizarro listens eagerly— The
return to Darien — Messengers are sent to the
Court of Spain — Enciso's enmity to Vasco Nunez
— Rumour of a Governor for Darien — Vasco Nunez
determines to discover the Pacific — First sight of
it — Pizarro sent to discover the shortest way to
the coast — Pearl-fishing — Tidings of the riches of
Peru — They return to Darien- — A messenger is
sent to the Court of Spain 35

Chapter V.

Pedrarias appointed Governor of Darien — His character
— The eagerness of men to come out with him —
The return of Enciso — The old colonists deliberate
how they shall receive the Governor — Vasco Nunez
recommends a welcome reception — Vasco Nunez's
audiencia — He is put into confinement, but after-
wards released — Darien unhealthy — Seven hun-
dred of the new colonists die — Pedrarias begins to
send out expeditions — Pizarro leaves Vasco
Nunez's faction — Goes out with Gaspar de Morales
as second in command — The cruelties committed —
All these expeditions unsuccessful — The melting-
house shut up — Reflections . . .60

CONTENTS. xix

Chapter VI.

Page
Vasco Nunez restless — sends for men on his own
account — The Governor is angry — Vasco Nunez
receives the title of Adelantado from the Court of
Spain — is reconciled to the Governor, espouses his
daughter — is sent by the Governor to Ada to
build ships for the Sea of the South — carries the
materials across the isthmus — is suspected by the
Governor — Pizarro is sent to arrest him — Vasco
Nunez is tried, convicted of high treason, and
executed . ...... 77

BOOK THE SECOND.

Chapter I.

Pedrarias uses Vasco Nuiiez's ships — Espinosa sent out
— Gil Gongalez — The Spice Islands — Lope de
Sosa dies — Pizarro takes to cattle farming — Al-
magro his partner — Nicaragua — Panama — Her-
nandez de Cordova sent against Gil Gongalez —
Pascual de Andagoya's Expedition towards Peru —
Juan de Basarto is allowed to make a voyage
towards Peru — Dies — Pizarro and Almagro come
forward — The triumvirate . . . .93

Chapter II.

Pizarro sets sail — his difficulties — is wounded — recom-
mences his voyage — his dispute with Almagro —
some of his men leave him — his sufferings — suc-
cour comes — Tumbez — he receives two young
Indians — returns to Panama . . . .102

XX CONTENTS.

Chapter III.

Page

Pizarro goes to the Spanish Court — Returns to Panama
Starts for the Conquest of Peru — Is again sur-
rounded with difficulties — Founds the town of
San Miguel . , 128

Chapter IV.

The Royal Family of Peru — Atahuallpa — Pizarro
marches from San Miguel to Cassamarca — Pro-
jected interview between Pizarro and Atahuallpa
— Rout of the Peruvians and capture of the Inca. 139

Chapter V.

Agreement for Atahuallpa's Ransom — Fernando Pi-
zarro's Journey to the Temple of Pachacamac —
Messengers sent to Cusco — Arrival of Almagro at
the Camp of Cassamarca . . . . .180

Chapter YI.

Guascar Inca's Fate — Atahuallpa's Trial — Atahu-
allpa's Execution . . . . . .192

CONTENTS. ^ xxi

BOOK THE TFITRl).

Chapter I.

Page
The Feud between the Pizarros and the Almagros —
Alvarado's Entrance into Peru — Almagro pro-
ceeds to conquer Chili — Fernando Pizarro takes
the Command at Cusco . . . . .213

Chapter II.

Fernando Pizarro returns from Spain — Takes the
Command at Cusco — Flight and Rebellion of the
Inca Manco — Description of Cusco . . . 225

Chapter III.

The Siege of Cusco by the Revolted Peruvians . . 236

Chapter IV.

Almagro returns from Chili, claims Cusco — Fernando
Pizarro negotiates with him — Almagro treacher-
ously enters Cusco by night — Imprisons the bro-
thers Pizarro, and defeats Francisco Pizarro's com-
mander, Alonzo de Alvarado . , . „ 263

CONTENTS,

Chapter V.

Page
Negotiations between the Marquis and the Mariscal
respecting the Boundaries of their Governments —
The Renewal of Hostilities — Fernando Pizarro
takes the Command of his Brother's Army . .277

Chapter VI.

Fernando Pizarro marches to Cusco — The Battle of
Salinas — The Execution of the Mariscal Almagro
— Return of Fernando Pizarro to Spain . . 290

Chapter VII.

The Marquis and the Men of Chili — Gonzalo Pizarro
discovers the Amazon — The Conspiracy of Alma-
gro's Friends — The Marquis Pizarro is murdered
by the Men of Chili 306

LIFE OF FEANCISCO PIZARRO.

BOOK THE FIRST.

CHAPTER I.

Francisco Pizarro — His Parentage and Education-
Youth — The first Mention of him in History.

His

FRANCISCO PIZ AEEO,thediscoverer
and conqueror of Peru, was the natural
son of Gonzalo Pizarro, an officer who
greatly distinguished himself in the Italian Wars
under the " Great Captain," * and who was of an
ancient and wealthy family of Truxillo, in the
province of Estremadura. Francisco's mother
was also of a noble family of Truxillo ; her name
was Francisca Gonzales.

Francisco Pizarro had four brothers — Fernando,

* Gonzalo, Fernandez, de Cordoba.

2 YOUTH OF PIZARRO.

Gonzalo, Juan, and Martin. Of these Fernando
alone was legitimate. They all seetn to have been
in possession of some landed property in Spain ;
for when they joined their brother Francisco to
assist him in his conquest of Peru, it is said that
Juan, Gonzalo, and Martin sold their estates.
Francisco, however, does not seem to have been
so well off ; for his sword and his cloak w ere the
only possessions with which he set forth to se ek
^ his fortune in^e NewJWorld.

There is a great deal of uncertainty as to the
date of Francisco Pizarro's birth ; but according
to Quintana, Gomara, and other historians, he

-^ was born at Truxillo, in the year 1470 The in —

/ formation attending his birth being so vague it is

/ not remarkable that we find many fables respecting

/ it ; one of them to the effect that he was left by

/ his parents on the steps of a church, where he was

L found being nourished by a sow.

We know very little concerning his early years,
except that his education appea rs to have been
totally neglected, as he co uld neither read nor
write, and, from what we can gather as to the
youth of this embryo discoverer, some part of his
childhood was passed in fulfilling t he igno ble

he I
lej

HIS OBEDIENCE AND PERSEVERANCE. 3

office of^ swinplifirrl Tb<^^^ is little doubt that
he served, as a mere lad, with his father in the
Italian wars. Even in his younger days, when
placed in subordinate positions, he was never
heard of as^aj; ebellious^ or contentious m an ; but
jn\ tjifi r^^tr^T^y, ^iS T ga ther, showed him gjaI£Jii
b e laborious, cautious, obedient, much-enduring
and faithful. Whatever he did and accomplished
was done by his own dogged perseverance, and
when once he had undertaken an enterprize, he
would go through with it, whatever the conse

quences. ,,^

When the prize which he had for years set his
mind upon seemed about to be grasped by others,
he quietly withdrew, until their too impetuous
eagerness had ruined them; and then stepped
forward to carry out what they had failed in. It
was most unfortunate, indeed, for the world that
thi s perseverance o f his was so great ; for, had the
conquest of Peru been postponed but a few years,
it would probably have met with a more consoli-
dated state of affairs in that kingdom, and, there-
fore, ultimately, have been a more effective con-
quest. "
We then have nothing to relate concerning

4 PIZARRO IN COMMAND.

him of any importance till the year 1510, when
Ojeda (one of Columbus's followers in his second
voyage to the Terra Firma) having obtained the
government of the province of Uraba and founded
the town of San Sebastian, left Francisco Pizarro
there in the command of his forces, as lieutenant,
under circumstances of no ordinary kind.
/ At this time Francisco Pizarro was forty years
old. What he had gone through since his arrival
in the New World may be best gathered by con-
sidering what is known of Ojeda, his commander;
for the circumstances in which Ojeda left him at
San Sebastian were such as to prove that it would
have been the height of madness and thoughtless-
ness in any commander to have deserted his men,
unless he knew he was leaving them under the
/ care of some well-known, well-tried, and tr ust-
[_ \v9j:thy4ietttenant. ^"^

J My readers will see that, in this life of Pizarro,
' much matter has been introduced concerning the
commanders and discoverers with whom, and
under whom he served. This has been found to
be absolutely necessary, for the life of Pizarro is
so inseparably connected with that of such men as
Ojeda, Pedrarias, and Vasco Nunez, that it was

HIS ASSOCIATES. , 5

impossible fully and faithfully to relate his deeds,
without including in my narrative much that re-
lates to those men with whom he was so closely
associated, and a great portion of whose lives and
adventures was so entwined with his, that, if
omitted, this biography would have been but a
bald and incomplete picture of Pizarro's under-

l^akings and surroundings. 1

Columbus, Cortez, and Vasco Nunez were from
the first leaders in the great expeditions and dis-
coveries which are connected with their names;
whereas Pizarro, rising^ from the ranks, performed
^ part well-deserving of commemoration in expe-

ditions and discoveries which are not ordinarily

associated with his name.

CHAPTEE II.

Ojeda — His treacherous Capture of Caonaho — Obtains the
Government of Urahd — Joins with Nicuesa — Founds San
Sebastian — Is in great difficulties — Leaves Pizarro there
as his Lieutenant — Loses his Power — Dies a Monk,

^HIS Ojeda had sailed with Columbus
on his second voyage from Spain to
the New World. His personal strength
was immense. Placing himself at the bottom of
the GIralda, at Seville, he could throw an orange
to the top, a height of two hundred and fifty feet.
In early life, in the presence of Queen Isabella,
he had walked out and back on a plank stretched
out from the top of the GIralda. Indeed, Co-
lumbus chose him out of all his men to perform a
deed requiring no small amount of daring, resolu-
tion, and unscrupulousness. The admiral, upon
his second arrival at Hispaniola, found a cacique
— Caonabo, who in former days had put to death

OJEDA'S TREACHERY, , 7

the garrison at La Navidad — preparing to attack
that of St. Thomas ; and, indeed, but for his op-
portune arrival, threatening to sweep away the
whole of the Spanish settlements in the island.
A battle was fought, and the Spaniards were
victorious. A horrible carnage ensued upon the
flight of the Indians ; but Caonabo, being absent
from the battle, besieging the fortress of St.
Thomas, remained untaken. The admiral re-
solved to secure his person by treachery.

The story,* which was current in the colonies,
of the manner in which Ojeda captured the reso-
lute Indian chief, is this : Ojeda carried with
him gyves and manacles, the latter of the kind
called by the Spaniards, somewhat satirically,
esposas (wives), and all made of brass (laton)
or steel, finely wrought and highly polished.
The metals of Spain were prized by the Indians
in the same way, that the gold of the Indies was
by the Spaniards. Moreover, among the Indians
there was a strange rumour of talking brass, that

* The learned Muiios considers this story as a legend.
(See the prologue to his history). I do not know why it
should be so considered.

i OJEDA'S TREACHEROUS

arose from their listening to the church-bell at
Isabella, which, summoning the Spaniards to
mass, was thought by the simple Indians to con-
verse with them. Indeed, the natives of Hispa-
niola held the Spanish metals in such estimation,
that they applied to them an Indian word, Turey^
which seems to have signified ^^ anything that de-
scends from heaven." When, therefore, Ojeda
brought these ornaments to Caonabo, and told
him they were Biscayan Turey, and that they were
a great present from the admiral, and he would
show them how to put them on; and that Caonabo
should set himself on Ojeda's horse, and be shown
to his admiring subjects, as, Ojeda said, the kings
of Spain were wont to show themselves to theirs,
the incautious Indian is said to have fallen en-
tirely into the trap. Going wuth Ojeda, accom-
panied by only a small escort, to a river a short
distance from his main encampment, Caonabo,
after performing ablutions, suffered the crafty
young Spaniard to put ^^ the heaven descended "
fetters on him, and to set him upon the horse.
Ojeda himself got up behind the Indian prince,
and then — whirling a few times round, like a
pigeon before it takes its determined flight, making

CAPTURE OF CAONABO. 9

the followers of Caonabo imagine that this was
but display, they all the while keeping at a re-
spectful distance from the horse, an animal they
much dreaded — Ojeda darted off, and, after great
fatigues, now keeping to the main track, now
traversing the woods in order to evade pursuit,
brought Caonabo bound into the presence of
Columbus. This, however, took place sixteen
years before the time when Ojeda left Francisco
Pizarro as his lieutenant to stave off, as best
he could, the war, pestilence, and famine, that
were more than decimating his men at San
Sebastian.

Columbus, in his first two voyages, had only
discovered the islands in front of the mainland of
America. But in his third voyage, in the year
1498, he reached the mainland, and touched at
Paria. Ojeda probably was with him ; for the
next year, having been aided by a knowledge of
the admiral's route, he accomplished a somewhat
similar voyage on his own account, having on
board that personage, who makes a dubious figure
in the history of the New World — Amerigo Ves-
pucci, and a very celebrated pilot of that time,
called Juan de la Cosa. Another voyage was

10 OJEDA GOVERNOR OF URABA,

made about the same time to these parts by
Eodrigo de Bastidas, with the same Juan de la
Cosa for pilot ; and this was remarkable for the
presence of the renowned Vasco Nunez ; and the
knowledge this man gained there had the greatest
influence on the fortunes of his varied and event-
ful life, and indirectly on that of Francisco
Pizarro. During all this time, Francisco Pizarro
— nobody thinking much of him — was doing the
work of a second-rate soldier In a stern, creditable
manner.

Ojeda, soon after this, favoured by Bishop
Fonseca,* obtained the appointment to the govern-
ment of the province of Uraba, and took with
him Francisco Pizarro, as his lieutenant. A man,
of good birth, a good speaker, and a good musi-
cian, of the name of Nicuesa, obtained the adja-
cent government of Veragua. The two govern-
ments comprised the whole of the Isthmus of
Darien, and a large extent of country to the east
and north-west. Ojeda was poor, but he was
aided in furnishing his expedition by the cele-

* Bishop of Burgos, and afterwards President of the
Council for the Indies.

WAR WITH THE INDIANS. 11

brated pilot, Juan de la Cosa, and by a lawyer,
named Martin Fernandez d'Enciso. Ojeda sailed
for his province, and, entering the port of Car-
thagena, began to make war upon the Indians.
He marched upon a large Indian town, called
Turbaco, which he found deserted. He pursued
the fugitive Indians, and, while doing so, his men
spread themselves over the country in a disorderly
manner. The Indians, seeing this disorder, col-
lected together, and came down suddenly upon
the Spaniards, who, in their turn, had to become
the fugitives, and to take refuge in a fort con-
structed hastily of palisades. The Indians gave the
Spaniards no rest, and, having poisoned arrows,
pressed the advantage they had gained with so
much vigour, that they succeeded in putting all the
Spaniards to death, to the number of seventy or
a hundred, with the exception of Ojeda and one
other.

His fleet, ignorant of what had befallen their
chief, was quietly coasting along. At last,
however, gaining intelligence of what had hap-
pened, his men went to seek him, and found him
almost speechless with hunger, his sword in his
hand, and the marks, it is said, of three hun-

12 OJEDA JOINS WITH NICUESA.

dred arrows In his shield. They made a fire,
warmed, and fed him. As he recovered, and
while he was relating his adventures to the men,
Nicuesa's fleet hove in sight. The contest be-
tween these two governors, while they were at
St. Domingo, having been carried on in the most
offensive and personal manner, Ojeda might well
expect ill-treatment from Nicuesa, or at least con-
tempt; but Nicuesa was angry at anybody ima-
gining that he could take advantage of his present
superiority to punish former affronts, and assured
the men he would be a brother to Ojeda, and, upon
his being produced, received him most kindly.

The two governors then joined company, and
went with four hundred men to seek for Juan de
la Cosa, and to chastize the Indians. No quarter
was given. They fell upon Turbaco, committed
Incredible slaughter, burning the Indians in their
cottages, and slaying men, women, and children.
Then, having discovered the body of Juan de
la Cosa, who had been killed by poisoned arrows,
they returned to their ships.

Ojeda now took leave of Nicuesa, and made his
way to the Gulf of Uraba. Entering the Gulf,
he endeavoured to find the river Darien, which

HE FOUNDS SAN SEBASTIAN 13

the two governors had agreed to accept as the
boundary of their respective territories. This
river he could not discover, but he disembarked
on the eastern side of the gulf, and founded a
town on a height there, calling it San Sebastian.

Ojeda sent his stolen gold and Indians home to
Saint Domingo, in order that more men and
supplies might in return be despatched to him;
and he inaugurated the building of his new town
by a foray into the territories of a neighbouring
Indian chief, who was reported to possess, much
gold. This foray, however, produced nothing for
Ojeda, and his men were soon driven back by
clouds of poisonous arrows.

How their people should be fed seems always
to have been a secondary consideration with these
maurauding governors. It appears as if they sup-
posed gold to be meat, drink, and clothing, — the
knowledge of what it is in civilized and settled
communities perhaps creating a fixed idea of its
universal power, of which they were not able to
divest themselves. Famine now began to make
itself felt at San Sebastian ; but fortunately at this
time, there came in sight a vessel which had been
stolen from some Genoese ; for it was thought that

14 OJEDA IN GREAT DIFFICULTIES.

the new settlement would be a place, where the
title to any possessions would not be too curiously
looked into. The supplies, which this vessel
brought, were purchased by Ojeda, and served to
relieve for the moment his famishing colony. But
their necessities soon recommenced, and, with
their necessities, their murmurings. The Indians
also harassed them by perpetual attacks, for the
fame of Ojeda's deeds was rife in the land. The
Spanish commander did what he could to soothe
his people, by telling them that Enciso, the
partner in his expedition, and his alcade, was
coming. And as for the Indians, he repelled their
attacks with his usual intrepidity. These, how-
ever, began to understand the character of the
man they had to deal with, and, resolving to play
upon his personal bravery, laid an ambuscade for
him, in which he was shot through the thigh with
a poisoned arrow. He ordered two plates of iron,
brought to a white heat, to be tied on to the
thigh, threatening the reluctant surgeon to hang
him, if he did not apply this remedy. It was so
severe, that it not only burnt up the leg and the
thigh, but the heat penetrated his whole body, so
that it became necessary to expend a pipe of

HE DIES A MONK. 15

vinegar in moistening the bandages, which were
afterwards applied.

The supplies brought by the stolen vessel being
now entirely consumed, Ojeda's company began
to feel again the pressure of famine, and to
murmur accordingly. They also took counsel
among themselves about seizing furtively the
brigantines and returning to Hispaniola, for they
disbelieved, or affected to disbelieve that Enciso
was coming at all. Ojeda resolved to anticipate
their designs, and in these straits, to return him-
self to Hispaniola. He did so ; and it was under
these circumstances, and in command of his dis-
contented and famishing men, that Francisco
Pizarro was left as lieutenant.

Ojeda reached Saint Domingo after Innumerable
sufferings and difficulties, but never regained
power and influence. He lived for some time
afterwards at St. Domingo, and died in extreme
poverty. It appears that he became a Franciscan
monk for a few hours before his death, and was
clad in the habit of that order when he died,
'^ making," as Oviedo assures us, ^^ a more laudable
end than other captains in those parts have done."

CHAPTER III.

Pizarro in the Neighbourhood of the Pacijic — Takes his men
away from San Sebastian — Meets JEnciso, OjedcLS Partner
— Vasco Nunez — The Expedition returns to San Sebastian
— Nicuesa — Nicuesa turned adrift — Vasco Nunez takes the
Command*

Francisco pizarro was thus left

in command on the Terra-firma, with
only a narrow isthmus between him
and his destiny ; for within a few days' journey,
flowed the Pacific, and on its coast Peru with all
its riches — that country with which his name was
so soon to be associated for ever.

Still, the fixed idea, which is to take possession
of him and haunt him night and day, alluring him
onward like some phantom, had not yet entered
his mind. He is the soldier of fortune — patient,
laborious, much-enduring — but no more.

He has proved himself to be anxious, never

/!

PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 17

resting, never much excited, neyer^ikspeeding,
^cautious, reserved, taciturn, willino; to do his best
for_the benefit of ^ alL su bmittin g to oblo quv,
patient of murmuring and discontent a mong tho se,
who are under h iixL In those qualities he is
superio r to the men, among whom he live g^ but
he idea, which is to kindle him into enthusiasm, \
and to flash out into something like genius, is yet^
to come. And, but for a very remarkable co-
incidence, that idea would perhaps never have
come, and Francisco Pizarro would have lived
and died, without raising his head above the mass
of men; and Peru would have had some other
name joined with it, as its conqueror, and no
doubt for the better; at least, it could hardly
have been for the worse.

When the fifty days had expired, for which
Pizarro and his men were to wait for Ojeda's
return, and there were no signs of their com-
mander, it was resolved to dispeople the settle-
ment and to sail away. But, as the two bri-
gantines would not hold them all, they were
obliged to wait, until hunger and the assaults of
the Indians had reduced them to the proper
number. Then they killed and salted the horses

c

18 HE SAILS FOR CARTHAGENA.

that were left, and, having thus provided themselves
with some food for the voyage, they embarked;
Pizarro commanding one of the brigantines, and
a man, named Valenzuela, the other. Their so-
journ at San Sebastian had lasted six months.

When they were twenty leagues from the
shore, Valenzuela's brigantine, struck, as it was
imagined, by some large fish, went down sud-
denly. Pizarro made for the port of Carthagena,
and, as he entered, saw a ship and a brigantine
coming in at the same time. These proved to
contain the men and the supplies, brought at last
by the Bachilier Enciso, Ojeda's alcalde mayor.
He had with him one hundred and fifty men,
several horses, arms, powder, and provisions. But
that was not all ; the most important part of the
cargo is yet to be mentioned. In the midst of
the cargo, unknown to its owner, was a barrel,
containing no provisions, but a living man, who
was destined to have the greatest influence upon
Pizarro's future life. His name was Vasco Nunez
de Balboa, a native of Xeres de Badajoz, an ad-
venturer, a skilful master of the art of fencing
(digladiator)\ who, as he was in debt, and, as
indebted people might not leave the island of

VASCO NUNEZ'S ARTIFICE, 19

HIspaniola without the permission of the autho-
rities, had secretly, by the aid of a friend named
Bartolome Hurtado, contrived to get into this
barrel, and to form part of Enciso's stores. When
the vessel had got out to sea, Vasco Nunez made
his appearance, much to the dissatisfaction of
Enciso, a precise lawyer, who must thoroughly
have objected to aid in any breach of the law.
He threatened to put Vasco Nunez on a desert
island, but suffered himself to be pacified at last.
To those who know the part, that Vasco Nuiiez
was about to play, it almost seems as if the Ara-
bian story of the unfortunate man, who freed a
malignant spirit from durance, and found that it
had sworn to destroy the person, who should
deliver it, was so far about to be acted again.

On the meeting of the remnant of Ojeda's
company under Pizarro's command with the re-
inforcements brought by the Bachiller Enciso,
the latter commander at once concluded that
these people had fled away from their duty, and
had deserted Ojeda. Indeed, Enciso was so con-
vinced of this, that he was inclined to put them
into confinement, and at first would give no credit
to the story they told him. Their famished ap-

20 ALL RETURN TO SAN SEBASTIAN.

pearance, however^ was an undeniable witness in
their favour, and at last they succeeded in con-
vincing the Bachiller of the truth of what they
were saying ; and then, naturally enough, they
did all they could, Pizarro no doubt joining with
them, and, from his position, having more weight
than any, to dissuade him from proceeding to San
Sebastian ; but he, full of his lawyer-like notions
that he must do what he had contracted to do
(and he is to be honoured for this), resolved to
go on to Uraba; and, partly persuading them
with a hope of plunder, partly insisting upon
their obedience, he contrived to carry them along
with him.

Thus was Francisco Pizarro again carried back
towards the scene of his destiny ; and that it was
decidedly against his better judgment may be
gathered from the state of despondency, into which
they were thrown after their arrival at San Se-
bastian.

Just as Enciso was making for land near San
Sebastian, from some oversight on the part of the
man at the helm, his vessel was thrown upon a
rock, and in a very short time beaten to pieces.
The men with difficulty saved themselves in the

THEIR PERILOUS POSITION. 21

boat and the brigantine, but all the cattle and
almost all the provisions were lost ; and, when
Enciso and his men made their way to San
Sebastian, they found the fortress entirely de-
stroyed. Their situation was manifestly most
perilous. For some time they managed to sub-
sist upon wild animals caught in the mountains,
and upon the buds of the palm tree; but this
precarious supply soon came to an end, and then
it was necessary to obtain food by force.

The Indians here, however, as Ojeda had found
before, were most formidable opponents. It is
mentioned that three naked Indians with poisoned
arrows pierced as many Spaniards, as they had
arrows for, and then fled like the wind.

In these straits we may easily imagine how the
desire to return grew upon the men, and how
Pizarro and the remnant of Ojeda's people cla-
moured at their advice and entreaties not having
been listened to. And now, while Pizarro was
wishing to turn his back on the Pacific, as yet
unknown, and the nations lying on its coast,—
while the hearts of all men in this colony were
thus stricken down, Vasco Nunez spoke out.
He said that he recollected, when he was with

22 ADVICE OF VASCO NUNEZ,

Eodrigo de Bastidas^ entering this gulf of Urabd;
and that they disembarked on the western part
of it, where they found an Indian town near a
great river, in the midst of a fertile country. He
also said, which was most to the present purpose,
that the Indians in those parts did not use poi-
soned arrows. How deeply it is to be regretted
that this knowledge of poisoned arrows did not
overspread the continent; for, as every reader
of the Iliad is always on the Trojan side, so it is
impossible, in reading of the conquest of the New
World, not to wish for the success of the weaker
party, or, at least, not to regret that their weapons
were for the most part so lamentably unequal to
those of their invaders.

This river, that Vasco Nunez spoke of, proved
to be the river Darien. His advice was instantly
listened to ; and the Bachiller Enciso, taking with
him Vasco Nunez and a hundred men, set out to find
the Indian town. They succeeded in finding it ;
but the Indians, who had heard of their doino^s in
other parts, were not inclined to receive them
amicably. Five hundred men (the women and
children having been sent away) had taken up a
position on a hill, awaiting the orders of Cemaco,
their cacique, for battle.

DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS, 23

Enciso's forces were victorious, for Vasco Nunez
proved to be right in his report of there being no
poison in the arrows of these Indians; who ac-
cordingly made no resistance, worthy of the name,
to the blows of sword and lance dealt by the
Spaniards.

Enciso afterwards entered the Indian town,
where he found a store of provisions ; and, pur-
suing his researches, he discovered in a cane-
brake the household gods of the Indians, among
which were also found golden breastplates and
golden chains. Sending for the rest of his people
from San Sebastian, Enciso founded the town of
Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien.

But these Spaniards under Enciso, the partner
of Ojeda, were to the north-west of the river
Darien, and consequently in the government of
Nicuesa: it is necessary, therefore, to inquire
what had become of him in the mean time. In-
deed, no sooner had Enciso's men a season of
relief from their immediate sufferings, than, dis-
appointed and discontented, they used this very
ground, as a pretext for getting rid of their com-
mander — namely, that they were no longer in
Ojeda's territory, but in that of Nicuesa; which

24 NICUESA CHOSEN GOVERNOR.

was true. Vasco Nunez was, no doubt, at the
head of the malcontents. The men, resolving to
depose Enciso, proceeded to an election of their
officers ; and, in straits like these, a good choice
is nearly sure to be made. They chose Vasco
Nunez and a man named Zamudio, for their
alcades, and a person of the name of Valdivia,
for regidor; but even this election was not de-
cisive in the minds of these unfortunate colonists.
There still remained three factions, one in favour
of Vasco Nunez, another devoted to Enciso, and
a third to Nicuesa.

An accident determined the matter in favour
of Nicuesa. It was always the custom with these
governors, when they went on their expeditions,
to leave behind some one, who should constantly
send men and supplies after them. Nicuesa had
left behind him in Hispaniola his lieutenant, Rod-
rigo de Colmenares, who was to take charge of
the stores and provisions, which were to follow
him, Colmenares met with great hindrance from
the authorities in Hispaniola, and it was not
until ten months, after his chief had sailed, that he
was able to follow him. The first point he had
touched upon in the Terra-firma was in the pro-

ARRIVAL OF COLMENARES, 25

vince of Santa Martha, on Nicuesa's side of the
river Darien. From thence he had proceeded
westward or north-westward along the coast, in
search of Nicuesa, making smoke-signals on the
shore and firing off guns, which were at last
heard by Enciso's men, who, returning the sig-
nals, brought Colmenares to them. This was in
November, 1510, when Pizarro was forty years
old.

The provisions, which Colmenares brought in
his ships, were powerful arguments in favour of
Nicuesa ; the recollection of his pleasant manners,
and of his kindness to their late commander,
Ojeda, must have told in his favour ; and, in fine,
the greater part of Enciso's company joined in
sending Colmenares to Nicuesa, to ask him to
come and take the command of them. Again
are the Pacific and its nations on the point of
being thrust out of the grasp of Vasco Nunez
and Pizarro; but fortune decreed it other-
wise. Nicuesa had been as unfortunate in his
expedition, as Ojeda had been in his; for soon
after quitting Carthagena, where he had left
Ojeda, as the weather had now become very
contrary ; one stormy night, to avoid danger near

26 DISASTERS TO NICUESA.

the coast, he put out to sea, and in the course
of that night parted company with all the other
vessels. In the morning, thinking that his fleet
had perished, he returned to the coast and went
up a river, of which the name is not given. There
the tide, flowing out with a great rapidity un-
perceived by the ship's crew, left him on a sand-
bank. The caravel instantly fell on its side, and
began to go to pieces. Nicuesa and his ship's
company were only saved by the boldness of one
of them, who contrived to fasten a rope to a tree,
by which, as on a bridge, the men made their way
to land, but all the stores, provisions, and clothes
were lost.

One thing, however, of value remained to
them, — the boat. In that Nicuesa put four sea-
men, and ordered them to coast along to the west,
keeping near him, while he and the rest pursued
their course by land. Thus they proceeded for
some days, and on one occasion, imagining they
could save much distance by going all of them
from one promontory to another, where the land
made a great curve inwards, they all used the
boat by turns, and got safely to the opposite
headland; which headland, however, proved not

HE IS LEFT ON A BARREN ISLAND. 27

to be part of the coast, but a desert Island, where
there was not even fresh water. The four men,
who managed the boat, went off with it one night,
and Nicuesa and his men were left to endure the
extreme of suffering.

His fleet in the meantime, concluding that their
commander would be sure to make his way to
Veragua, resolved to hold on their course in that
direction. When they had all come together in
the river Chagre, the second in command, Lope
de Olano, finding that there were no tidings of
the chief, concluded he was lost, and, by general
consent, took the command of the expedition.
But it was no longer in a hopeful state. The
ships had suffered from a worm, which was very
destructive to ship-timber on that coast, and all
the provisions had been spoiled or lost. In a
short time Lope de Olano finds himself on the
shore near the river Belem, with the great ships
knocked to pieces and a caravel formed out of them,
with his two brigantines, with no stores, no pro-
visions, and many of his men dead. Here he is
found by the four mariners, who had stolen away
with the boat from Nicuesa and the rest, leaving
them on a desert island.

28 RESCUE OF NICUESA.

A brigantine was sent to fetch off Nicuesa and
his companions ; and they rejoined the rest at the
river Belem, The first thing Nicuesa did on
meeting his people was to command the arrest
of Lope de Olano, and bitterly to reproach his
other principal officers, for not having made efforts
to discover him.

Meanwhile, the state of things around him
grew worse and worse, but the severity of Ni-
cuesa's temper did not abate ; and his men be-
lieved that he absolutely took delight in imposing
upon them dreadful burdens, when he sent them
into the country to see what they could get by
force from the Indian villages. To such an ex-
tremity were the Spaniards reduced, that on one
occasion they are said to have been driven by
hunger to cannibalism.

Nicuesa at length resolved to leave a spot, that
had been so fatal to him. Taking with him in
the caravel and the two brigantines their comple-
ment of men, he left the others behind, and set
sail, directing his course to the east.

They put in at a harbour, which proved to be
Portobello, so named by Columbus. But they
were now so weak, that they could hardly hold

PORT OF NOMBRE DE BIOS, 29

their weapons in their hands. The Indians suc-
ceeded in resisting them, and in killing twenty.
From Portobello they went sailing towards the
east, until they came to another harbour. In the
name of God {en nombre de Dios) let us stay here,
they exclaimed ; and Nombre de Dios is the name
the port has ever since retained.* What poetry
and history there are in names! Here Nicuesa
sent for the rest of the men from the river Belem.
Since his departure from Belem he had lost two
hundred more men ; and now, of the seven hun-
dred and eighty-five men, who came out with him
from Hispaniola, there remained in December,
1510, only about a hundred. Hunger, which
had dogged the steps of this expedition from the
night of that fatal tempest and dispersion, still
relentlessly pursued them. At last, all the ordi-
nary rules of discipline were at an end, and there
could not even be found one man in the com-
pany strong enough to do the duty of a sentinel.

It was just at this moment of extreme and
apparently hopeless peril that Colmenares, pur-

* It afterwards became the great fort for the reception
and transmission to Spain of the riches of Peru.

30 NICUESA'S DEPLORABLE CONDITION.

suing steadily his course westward, came upon
their track and found them. Great was the de-
light of the seventy men who remained, — for their
number had now dwindled to seventy ; and Ni-
cuesa's delight was not the least, when, shedding
tears, he threw himself at the feet of one, who
brought him present safety and such good hopes
for the future. Indeed, it was a change of for-
tune such as seldom occurs, except in fiction.

According to Peter Martyr's account, Colme-
nares found Nicuesa " of all living men the most
unfortunate, in a manner dried up with extreme
hunger, filthy, and horrible to behold ; " and now
he was summoned to become governor to those,
who remained of his rival Ojeda's force, and who,
unfortunate as they had been, had at any rate
made a less wretched settlement than Nicuesa
and his men could boast of having done.

But Nicuesa's good temper and good sense
were not now to be recovered by any gleam of
good fortune. Hearing that Ojeda's company
had collected gold, upon which, since, strictly
speaking, they were settled in the country as-
signed to him, he had some claim, he gave out
that he should take it away. The disgust, which

HIS GOVERNORSHIP OPPOSED, 31

the deputies from Darien began at once to con-
ceive for him, may be easily imagined; nor was
this disgust likely to be diminished by any good
words, that would be said of him by his own men
at Nombre de Dios. Lope de Olano, though in
chains, contrived to put in his word, privately
telling the new comers that Nicuesa would do
with them, as he had done with his own people,
when they sent for him from the desert island.
Lope de Olano's words had the more effect, as he
was able to communicate with some relations and
men from his own province, Biscayans, who were
at Darien. Still, had Nicuesa been swift in acting
upon his good news, he might have anticipated the
consequences of his foolish and tyrannical sayings,
and have defeated his Biscayan enemies ; but,
while he sent on to Darien a caravel, in which
there were many of the people, who murmured
against him, he himself in the brigantine stopped
on the way for about a week, to reconnoitre some
little islands and to capture Indians, for which
iniquity there came a terrible retribution. No
sooner had the people in the caravel reached
Darien, than they began to influence the colonists
there against him, and with such success, that the

32 RECEPTION OF NICUESA.

Darienites became quite mad with themselves at
their folly, in having invited Nicuesa. It may
easily be imagined, and was generally reported
that Vasco Nunez did what he could to incite the
people against the coming governor; and it is
said that he canvassed with great secresy the
principal persons, man by man, convincing them
of their error in having chosen Nicuesa, and
showing them the remedy for it.

When, therefore, Nicuesa neared the place of
disembarkation, expecting to be received with
whatever pomp men so tattered and buffeted
could show, he found an array of armed men
drawn up on the shore, looking as if they meant
to repel an invasion, rather than to receive a
governor. The procurador, in a formal man-
ner, proclaimed aloud that Nicuesa should not be
permitted to land, but return to his own settle-
ment at Nombre de Dios.

The next day, when he appeared, they called
him to them, meaning to take him prisoner ; but,
being remarkably swift of foot, he escaped them.
He then asked them to take him for a companion,
if not for a governor; and if not as a compa-
nion, as a prisoner ; saying they might put him

NICUESA TURNED ADRIFT. 33

in chains. But they only mocked him, Vasco
Nunez, who had some grandeur of soul, did his
best to make them change their behaviour ; and he
,even inflicted the punishment of a hundred stripes
on one of those, who took most part against Ni-
cuesa; but, seeing that he could not resist the
whole settlement, he sent privately to Nicuesa,
telling him not to trust himself among them, un-
less he could see him, Vasco Nuiiez, with them.
JN icuesa gave no heed to this, for, afterwards, when
there came a deputation to him in mockery, he
listened to them, and placed himself in their hands.
But no sooner had they got him into their power,
than they made him swear that he would go away,
and not stop, until he should appear before the
King of Spain and his Council. In vain the
wretched Nicuesa protested against their cruelty
in sending him away so ill-provisioned as he was
for any voyage. They paid no attention to his
entreaties, but turned him adrift in the most
wretched brigantine that was there. And so
Nicuesa set sail from Darien, and was never
heard of more.

Thus is another man removed, under whose
guidance this expedition would either have mise-

34 BISE OF VASCO NUNEZ.

rably perished, or confined itself to paltry descents
upon the Indians, or to the establishing of unim-
portant settlements on the northern coast of Da-
rien, while, on the southern, the Pacific and nations,
rich beyond all conception, were only waiting to
be discovered. Of the companions, whom Ojeda
and Nicuesa brought out with them full of hope
and proud designs, only forty-three remained of
Nicuesa's men, and thirty or forty of Ojeda's.
The rest of the men, now at Darien, were those,
who had come in the reinforcements brought by
Enciso to Ojeda, and by Colmenares to Nicuesa.
Pizarro, as the trusted lieutenant of Ojeda, was
now of no small weight among the men ; but it
was as a subordinate rather than a chief. The
man, who rises to the surface as chief, is Vasco
Nunez de Balboa.

CHAPTER IV.

Vosco Nunez takes the command — Sends away Enciso — The
Expedition is nearly failing — The Cacique Car eta — Vasco
Nunez loves his daughter — The Cacique Comogre — Co-
mog7'e's son — The young maris speech — Tidings of the
Pacific and rich nations southwards — Pizarro listens
eagerly — The return to Darien — Messengers are sent to
the Court of Spain — Enciso' s enmity to Vasco Nunez —
Rumour of a Governor for Darien — Vasco Nunez deter-
mines to discover the Pacific — First sight of it — Pizari^o
sent to discover the shortest way to the coast — Pearl-fishing
— Tidings of the riches of Peru — They return to Darien —
A messenger is sent to the Court of Spain,

^T is Interesting to notice the way in
which great deeds, which are waiting
to be done, refuse, as it were, to be
done by the men set in authority to do them, and,
falling through their hands, remain to be done by
men, who, when these deeds were first taken in
hand, were in but a subordinate position, and /

36 VASCO NUNEZ IN COMMAND,

altogether precluded from taking any prominent
part with reference to them.

When Nicuesa and Ojeda first set out for their
respective governments on the Isthmus, Vasco
Nunez remained behind at Hispaniola in such
straitened circumstances, that he was forbidden to
/ leave the island. Francisco Pizarro was employed /
in the expedition, but any fame or gain that might
have accrued to it would not have fallen to his
lot ; he was no more than one out of many of the
officers serving under Ojeda ; and yet these two
men, Vasco Nunez and Pizarro, were the very
men, who were to accomplish all that was destined
/ to be done. It was little dreamed that the con-^Z^
duct of that enterprise was to devolve upon a
man, who should furtively come out in a cask to
evade his creditors. By the time of Ojeda's re-
moval from the scene, Vasco Nunez had so worked
himself into the affections of the men, that a very
considerable party chose him for their commander,
in opposition to Nicuesa and Ojeda's partner,
Enciso. It is remarkable that at this juncture
r Pizarro, though looked upon as a good captain, is
/ not thought of as a chief, a proof that the grand
I idea of his life had not taken possession of him-

HIS QUALITIES. 37

I that as yet he was a man of no purpose, capable I
of serving, but unable to originate and lead. It
was fortunate, therefore, for Pizarro's future for-
tunes that the command of the expedition was not
L allowed to remain in the hands of such men, as \
Ojeda and Nicuesa.

This Vasco Nuriez had most of the qualities
necessary for a commander in those times. He
was forward in enterprise, far-seeing, fertile in
resources, crafty, courageous, goodhumoured, and
handsome. Ithink,too, he had considerable nobility
of nature ; and I am not disposed to lay the whole
blame of the treatment, which Nicuesa received
at the hands of his men, upon Vasco Nuiiez. His
conduct to Enciso is far more questionable, and
has justly laid him open to the accusation of having
kept in mind the threats and reproaches Enciso
addressed to him, when he made his unwelcome
and undignified appearance from amidst the cargo
of Enciso's vessel.

After Nicuesa's departure, Vasco Nunez insti-
tuted a process against the Bachiller, saying that
he had usurped a jurisdiction, to which he had no
claim, as he had not received authority from the
King, but only from Ojeda, who was already

38 ENCISO SENT AWAY.

dead. Upon this poor pretext^ Vasco Nunez
sequestered Enclso's goods, and put him in pri-
son, but afterwards freed him upon the under-
standing that he should sail for Castille or for
Hispaniola. It seems a very weak proceeding
of Vasco Nunez to have sent home a man, who,
he must have known, would be a powerful enemy ;
but he took care to send in the same ship Val-
divia and Zamudio, — Valdiyia to go to Don Diego
Columbus at Hispaniola, and Zamudio to go on
to Spain, and there represent to the King the
services, which the colonists at Darien had ren-
dered to his Highness. Valdivia did not go
empty-handed.

Vasco Nunez, having heard that there was
much gold in Cueva, a province at thirty leagues
distance, sent Pizarro with six companions to
discover this province. The Indians in this part
did not use poisoned arrows ; Pizarro, therefore,
was able wdth that handful of men to beat back,
and kill great numbers of the natives, before re-
turning to Vasco Nuiiez. Another incursion was
made into these regions ; but the Indians had
now learned to take refuge in flight. There are
signs now^ of Vasco Nunez getting discouraged

VASCO NUNEZ DISCOURAGED. 39

with the enterprise; and here was the turning
point of his career; if he had been a man like
Ojeda or Nicuesa, he would have contented him-
self with making petty incursions, have thus
deprived himself of the neighbourhood of the
Indians, and eventually have perished from star-
vation. After some little time, as Nicuesa did
not return to Darien, of which event it appears
Vasco Nunez had an expectation, he sent for the
remnant of Nicuesa's men from Nombre de Dios.
As these people were on their way to Darien,
and were in a port of the province of Cueva, there
came to meet them two Spaniards, without clothes,
and with painted bodies, like the Indians. These
were men, who, about a year and a half before,
had fled from Nicuesa's ships to avoid punish-
ment, and had been kindly received by Careta,
the cacique of Cueva. Indeed he had made one
of them, Juan Alonzo, his chief captain. This
wretch bade the Spaniards tell Vasco Nunez
that, if he would come to Careta's town, he would
deliver his master, the cacique, bound, into the
hands of Vasco Nunez; and he also gave the
alluring intelligence that there were great riches
in that province.

40 THE CACIQUE CARET A.

Vasco Nunez was delighted at this news, and
came immediately into Careta's territory at the
head of a hundred and thirty men. He captured
Careta, carried him and his family to Darien, and
devastated the town. The cacique, however, was
not on this occasion ill-treated by the Spaniards;
but, on the contrary, was conciliated and con-
verted into a most useful ally. He gave his
daughter to Vasco Nunez, who loved Her much ;
and the cacique entered into an agreement (here we
may trace the wisdom of the Spanish commander)
to aid in growing supplies for the Spaniards, if
they would assist him In carrying on war against
his enemy, Poncha.

This is the way, in which an invading force
generally makes its footing good in a country, —
by converting the foolish enmities of the natives
into stepping-stones of conquest. The above con-
ditions were agreed upon and fulfilled.

Forty leagues from Darien, and adjoining Ca-
reta's territory, was a country called Comogra,
situated on the sea-coast, the cacique of which
country was named Comogre. This chief was
brought into friendship with the Spaniards by
one of Careta's relations, and Vasco Nunez went

THE YOUNG MAN'S SPEECH. 41

to visit him. The Spaniards were much sur-
prised by the signs of comfort and civilization,
which th.y found in this Indian chief's dwelling;
the chief himself gave them a splendid welcome,
and presented them with four thousand pesos of
gold and seventy slaves. While the Spaniards
were weighing out this gold, there arose, to use
the expressive words of an old translation of Peter
Martyr, a " brabbling among the Spaniards about
the dividing of the gold."

Comogre's eldest son, seeing this miserable con-
tention among the Spaniards, was disgusted at
their clamour. So, after the fashion of Brennus,
dashing with his hand the scales, in which the
gold was, and scattering it about, he made the
following speech, " What is this, Christians ; is
it for such a little thing that you quarrel ? * If
you have such a love of gold, that to obtain it you
disquiet and harass the peaceful nations of these
lands, and, suffering such labours, banish your-

* Peter Martyr adds, " and that you make so

much turmoil about a little gold, which nevertheless you
melt down from beautifully wrought work into rude bars
(for they carried their melting instruments with them)." —
Dec. ii. cap. 3.

42 TIDINGS OF THE PACIFIC

selves from your own lands, I will show you a
country, where you may fulfil your desires. But
it is necessary for this that you should be more
in number than you now are ; for you would
have to fight your way with great kings, and
among them, in the first place, with King Tuba-
nama, who abounds with this gold, and whose
country is distant from our country six suns."

Then he signified to them that this rich terri-
tory lay towards a sea, and southwards ; at which
sea they would arrive, he said, after passing over
certain sierras. It was navigated, he added, by
ships with sails and oars, a little less in size than
those of the Spaniards. Traversing that sea,
they would find a land of great riches, where the
people had large vessels of gold, out of which they
ate and drank; where, indeed, there was more
gold than there was iron in Biscay — (it appears
that the shrewd Indian had been making inquiry
with respect to the manufacture of the Spanish
swords). The above is not to be taken as a
speech set down in a classical history, but it
appears that the substance of it was really uttered
by the young Indian prince. Juan Alonzo and
the other Spaniard, who had lived with King

AND RICH NATIONS SOUTH. 43

Careta^ served as interpreters; and these men
seem to have been fated to be the conduits, as it
were, of great evil, and their intelligence the
cause of great adventures.

It appears, moreover, that the young prince in-
formed his attentive audience that a thousand men
vrould be requisite for this undertaking ; and that,
when asked for the grounds of his information, and
for his advice, he made another speech, in which he
told the Spaniards that his countrymen, too, had
wars, and that he had learned these facts from one
of his own men, ("Behold him!" he exclaimed,)
who had been a captive in those countries of
which he spoke. He also offered to accompany
the Spaniards ; and he said that they might hang
him on the next tree, if his words should not
prove true. The substance of his speeches, and
probably some of the exact words were conveyed
to the Spanish Court. This was the first notice
of the Pacific, and also of Peru. It is likely that
Pizarro was a bystander. Much, however, yet
stood between him and Peru. If the expedition
were to discover Peru the day following, it would
be but little to him, — a few pesos more of gold and
silver, a few hundreds of slaves; but to Vasco

44 PIZARRO AN EAGER LISTENER.

Nunez would belong all the principal glory and
benefit. He, Pizarro, was a painstaking, trust- /
worthy captain, but no more. But there is no
doubt that among all those captains, who, as Peter
Martyr says, '^ marvelled at the oration of the
naked young man, and pondered in their minds,
and earnestly considered his sayings," there was
none, upon whom this oration had a deeper and
more lasting effect.

The Spaniards, having baptized Comogre and
his family, giving him the name of Don Carlos,
took their leave and returned to Darien, joyful
and thoughtful, in the feverish state of mind of
persons seeing before them great enterprises, for
which they are not quite prepared. When they
arrived, they found that Valdivia had come with
a ship and some provisions, also with a gracious
message from the authorities of Hispaniola ; but
their provisions were consumed in a few days,
and famine, always dogging their steps, soon
began to attack them again. It was not alto-
gether their own fault this time, for a great storm
had destroyed what they had sown. They lived
now, as some of the feudal barons in the middle
ages did, by predatory forays, robbing and de-
vastating wherever they could.

EXECUTIONS OF INDIAN CHIEFS, 45

Vasco Nunez has been held to be a man, who
dealt very wisely, and, upon the whole, very mer-
cifully with the Indians; but we are told that
he was accustomed to put them to the torture, in
order to make them discover those towns, which
had most gold and provisions, and then to attack
these towns by night. He wrote to the admiral,
saying that he had hanged thirty caciques and
must hang as many as he could take; for the
Spaniards, being few, had no other course, until
he should be supplied with more men. He meant
that terror was his only means of supplying the
defect of force.

Still the resistance of the Indians continued.
Conspiracy after conspiracy against the Spaniards
was formed among the caciques, but by one means
or another the conspiracies were broken up or
frustrated; and at last, by the treachery of a native
woman, Vasco Nunez was able to direct his captain,
Colmenares, to the spot where the forces of the
caciques were assembled ; and Colmenares, falling
suddenly on Tirichi, captured the confederates,
seized their provisions, put the chiefs to death,
and terrified the whole country into submission.

Vasco Nunez and the colonists at Darien now
resolved that a messeno^er should be sent to the

46 MISSION TO SPAIN.

King of Spain, to inform his Highness of what
had happened, to tell him of the speech of Co-
mogre's son, and to seek for countenance and
succour. Vasco Nunez wished to go himself,
thinking probably that he could plead his own
cause best at court; but his companions would
not hear of this, — a proof that it was felt how the
welfare and existence of the whole colony de-
pended upon him. They chose Quicedo and
Colmenares as their deputies, who were well
furnished with funds for their important mis-
sion ; but their means of transport were of the
most miserable description. With a very scanty
stock of provisions, and with not a soul on board,
who knew anything of navigation, in a crazy
vessel, the deputies from Darien left that colony
in October, 1512. As was to be expected, they
made a very bad passage ; and, being driven to
Cuba, and afterwards going to Hispaniola, which
was in accordance with their instructions, they did
not arrive in Spain until May, 1513.

One part of their intelligence seems particularly
to have caught the fancy of their countrymen at
home. An Indian had mentioned that there was
a river, where the natives fished for gold with

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST VASCO, 47

nets; the deputies repeated this story; and as
all persons, from the weakest to the strongest,
thought that this was a kind of fishing, at which
they would be singularly expert and fortunate,
all Spain became anxious to fish In those waters.

Unfortunately for Vasco Nuiiez, the deputies
from Darlen were not the only persons of that
colony at this time present at the Court of Spain.
The Bachlller Enclso was there too, and no doubt
loud and bitter In making his complaints of Vasco
Nunez. Besides, there was the Intelligence of
what had happened to NIcuesa; and as It ap-
peared that Vasco Nunez had been the greatest
gainer from NIcuesa's repulse, he had also to
bear the greatest part of the blame for that
transaction. The king ordered him to be pro-
ceeded against criminally ; and in the civil courts
he was cast In all the expenses, to which Enclso
had by his means been put.

Meanwhile Vasco Nuiiez had no easy time
at Darlen, where factiousness reigned supreme.
It appears that there was a man named Hurtado,
whom Vasco Nunez favoured much, and to whom
he entrusted much authority. This man became
particularly obnoxious to several of his comrades.

48 DISPUTES AT DARIEN.

These, uniting, sought to take prisoners both
Hurtado and his chief; but Vasco Nuiiez, who
was always alert, made the first move, seizing
the head of the opposing faction, and putting him
in prison. He was afterwards released, and the
dispute for the moment suppressed. Many of the
men on the last division of gold had accused their
commander of unfairness ; and, as there was a sum
of ten thousand castellanos just about to be di-
vided, they determined to make this the pretext
of seizing upon his person. The way, in which
he surmounted this difficulty, may serve to show
the abilities of the man for command. Far from
seeking to be the great personage in this important
business, on the very evening of the day of par-
tition, or the day before, the politic Vasco Nunez
went out to hunt, and left his enemies to seize
upon the gold, and divide it. They, as was to be
expected, made enemies in doing so, and loosened
the bands of their own faction ; while those, who
were injured, or who thought they were, made a
great tumult, recalled Vasco Nunez to full power,
and put his enemies in prison.

About this time there arrived at Darien two
vessels with a hundred and fifty men in them.

NUNEZ CAPTAIN-GENERAL, 49

laden with provisions, which had been sent from
Hispaniola by the Spanish authorities in that
island. These ships also brought something,
which was very welcome to Vasco Nunez,
namely, his appointment as captain-general.

This was done by the treasurer at St. Domingo.
Any show of authority was very welcome to Vasco
Nuiiez ; and, in his joy, as if it had been a birth-
day, he willingly consented to let loose all the
prisoners, as an act of grace, upon the receipt
of good news.

However, amidst all these flowers of rejoicing
there came some adder-like news, which must
have filled the heart of Vasco Nunez with appre-
hension ; and that was the report of his own dis-
favour at court, caused by the complaints of the
Bachiller Enciso,* and by the intelligence of Ni-
cuesa's fate. I should think that the rumour of
the king's intention to appoint a governor of

* The error of Yasco Nunez in his treatment of Enciso
followed him throughout his career. But indeed this is a
common case in ordinary life, as a large part of the best
time in many men's lives is spent in extricating themselves
from the consequences (or in enduring them) of one or two
thoughtless blunders.

E

50 HIS PERILOUS POSITION.

Darien was very likely to have accompanied this
news, which came in a letter from Zamudio, a
former colleague of Vasco Nunez.

His position was most perilous. The maxim,
confugiendum est ad imperium^ must have occurred
to him, not exactly in the words of the original,
for Vasco Nunez had little learning, but only by
that intuitive knowledge, which great peril, coming
upon great resources of mind, easily strikes out.
In truth, it is melancholy to observe, as wise men
have done, how much of private misery is at the
bottom of great actions, and what sleepless furies
have driven many an Orestes to enterprises, that
were transcendently difficult, but not so difficult as
staying still, or so painful as looking backwards.

Vasco Nuiiez therefore resolved to be the dis-
coverer of that sea and of those rich lands, to
which Comogre's son had pointed, when, after
rebuking the Spaniards for their brabbling about
the division of the gold, he turned his face to-
wards the south. In the peril, which so closely
impended over Vasco Nunez, there was no use in
waiting for reinforcements from Spain; when
these reinforcements should come, his dismissal
would come too. Accordingly, early in Septem-

HE UNDERTAKES AN ENTERPRISE. 51

ber, 1513, he out set on his renowned expedition
for finding ^^ the other sea/' accompanied by a
hundred and ninety men, well armed, and by
dogs, which were of more avail than men, and by
Indian slaves to carry the burthens. He went
by sea to the territory of his father-in-law. King
Careta, by whom he was well received, and, ac-
companied by whose Indians, he moved on into
Poncha's territory. This chief took flight, as he
had done before ; but Vasco Nunez, whose first
thought in his present undertaking was discovery
not conquest, sent messengers to Poncha, pro-
mising not to injure him. The Indian chief
listened to these overtures, and gave Vasco Nunez
guides and porters from among his people, and
enabled him to prosecute his journey.

Following Poncha's guides, Vasco Nunez and
his men commenced the ascent of the mountains,
until he entered the country of an Indian chief,
called Quaregua, whom they found fully prepared
to resist them. The king and his principal men
were slain, and a total rout of the Indians ensued.

Leaving several of his men, who were 111, or
over-weary, in Quaregua's chief town, and taking
with him guides from this country, the Spanish

52 FIRST VIEW OF THE PACIFIC.

commander pursued his way up the most lofty
sierras, until, on the 25th of September, 1513, he
came near to the top of a mountain, from whence
the South Sea was visible. The distance from
Poncha's chief town to this point was forty leagues,
reckoned then six days' journey ; but Vasco Nu-
nez and his men took twenty-five days to accom-
plish It, as they suffered much from the roughness
of the ways and from the want of provisions.

A little before Vasco Nunez reached the height,
Quaregua's Indians Informed him of his near ap-
proach to the sea. It was a sight. In beholding
which for the first time any man would wish to
be alone. Vasco Nunez bade his men sit down ;
while he ascended, and then. In solitude, looked
down upon the vast Pacific — the first man of the
Old World, so far as we know, who had done so.
Falling on his knees, he gave thanks to God for
the favour shown to him, In his being permitted
to discover the " Sea of the South." Then with
his hand he beckoned to his men to come up.
When they had come, both he and they knelt
down and poured forth their thanks to God. He
then addressed them In these words: ^^You see
here, Gentlemen and Children mine, how our de-

ADDRESS OF VASCO NUNEZ. 53

sires are being accomplished, and the end of our
labours. Of that we ought to be certain ; for, as
it has turned out true what King Comogre's son
told of this sea to us, who never thought to see it,
so I hold for certain that what he told us of there
being incomparable treasures in it will be fulfilled.
God and his blessed Mother, who have assisted
us, so that we should arrive here and behold this
sea, will favour us, so that we may enjoy all that
there is in it."

Afterwards, they all devoutly sang the " Te
Deum laudamus ;" and a list was drawn up by a
notary of those, who were present at this dis-
covery, which was made upon Saint Martin's
day.

Every great and original action has a prospec-
tive greatness, not alone from the thoughts of the
man who achieves it, but from the various aspects
and high thoughts, which the sanie action will
continue to present and call up in the minds ot
others, to the end, it may be, of all time. And
so a remarkable event may go on acquiring more
and more significance. In this case, our know-
ledge that the Pacific, which Vasco Nunez then
beheld, occupies more than one half of the earth's

54 FORMAL POSSESSION OF THE

surface^ is an element of thought, which in our
minds lightens up, and gives an awe to this first
gaze of his upon those mighty waters. To him
the scene might not at that moment have suggested
much more than it would have done to a mere
conqueror: indeed, Peter Martyr likens Vasco
Nunez to Hannibal, showing Italy to his sol-
diers.

Having thus addressed his men, Vasco Nuiiez
proceeded to take formal possession, on behalf of
the kings of Castille, of the sea and all that was in
it ; and, in order to make memorials of the event,
he cut down trees, formed crosses, and heaped up
stones. He also inscribed the names of the
monarchs of Castille upon great trees in the
vicinity.

Descending the sierras, he entered the territory
of an Indian chief, called Chiapes. The Indians
were disposed to make a valorous resistance, but
were soon put to flight. Vasco Nunez sent mes-
sengers to Chiapes with overtures of peace, which
were accepted. Quaregua's Indians were now
sent back home with presents; — conduct, which
was very politic ; for it conciliated and re-assured
the Indians thus sent back ; it gave confidence to

PACIFIC FOR THE KINGS OF SPAIN. 65

the fresh ones who accompanied him ; and it pre-
vented him from being overburdened with Indians,
who might rather impede than advance the march.
In truth, throughout this expedition Vasco Nunez
seems to have acted with great sagacity.

While he was in the town belonging to Chiapes,
he sent on Francisco Pizarro, Alonzo Martin, and
others, to find the shortest way to the sea-shore.
Alonzo Martin was the first to discover it. He
then descended to the shore, and found two canoes,
lying high and dry in a place, where he could
perceive no sea. At this he was astonished ; but,
the sea making its appearance, and gradually ad-
vancing to the canoes, he entered one of them,
begging his companions to bear witness that he
was the first to float upon that sea. Pizarro and
Alonzo Martin returning with their intelligence,
Vasco Nunez himself went down to the shore, ac-
companied by eighty of his men. He entered
the sea up to his thighs, having his sword on, and
with his shield in his hand: then he called the
bystanders to witness how he touched with his
person and took possession of this sea for the
kings of Castille, and declared that he would de-
fend the possession of it against all comers.

56 PRESJENTS OF GOLD AND PEARLS.

His energy was inexhaustible ; and, " not being
able to be quiet, even while his bread was being
baked," he resolved to navigate a certain gulf in
those parts, to which he gave the name of San
Miguel; a name it still retains He made his
way to the country of a chief, named Tumaco, in
a corner of the gulf. With some little difficulty
he conciliated this chief, who sent for ornaments
of gold, and two hundred and forty large pearls,
which he presented to the Spaniards. He also
desired his people to fish for more. The Spaniards
could hardly contain their joy. One thing alone
occurred to damp it. The Indians, not knowing
better, were accustomed to open oysters by means
of fire; this injured the colour of the pearl; and,
accordingly, the Spaniards diligently taught the
Indians the art of opening oysters without fire, —
with far more diligence, indeed, than they ex-
pended in teaching their new friends any point of
Christian doctrine.

It was said that this cacique, Tumaco, spoke
of the riches of Peru to Vasco Nunez ; and there
is something to countenance this in the report of
the Spanish commander's letter to the king ; for
he says, that he had learnt from Tumaco wonder-

RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION. 57

ful secrets of the riches of that land, which for the
present he wished to keep to himself.

Vasco Nunez, after having given some atten-
tion to pearl-fishing, resolved to return home to
Darien, but by a different route from that, which
he had taken in coming. He learnt that, to get
to Darien by this route, he would have to pass
through Tubanama's country. This was the much-
dreaded chieftain, of whom Comogre's son had
made mention in his speech. Vasco Nunez made
a forced march upon him, came upon his town
suddenly by night, and captured him and his
family. He, however, released him, ordering him
to collect gold and send it to him, and, pursuing
his course, came to Comogra. The labours and
changes of climate he had endured began to tell
even upon the hardy Nunez ; for we hear that he
suffered now from fever, and was carried in a
litter borne by Indians. The old chief, Comogre,
was dead ; but the eldest son, who had made that
eloquent but unwise speech, the cause of so much
mischief, was reigning in his stead. By him
Vasco Nunez was hospitably entertained ; and
doubtless they had many things to hear from, and
to tell each other. In a few days, having re-

58 LETTER AND PRESENTS SENT

covered from the fever, he pursued his way to
Darlen. As if to crown his good fortune, when
he entered Poncha's territory, he found messen-
gers from Darien to tell him that two ships, well
laden with provisions, had arrived from Hispaniola.
Taking a chosen body of his men as an escort, he
hastened onwards, and on the 29th of January,
1514, reached Darien; which he had quitted on
the 1st of September, 1513; this most important
expedition having occupied not quite four
months.

His men at Darien received him with exulta-
tion ; and he lost no time in sending his news —
*^ such signal and new news " — to the king of
Spain, accompanying it with rich presents. His
letter, which gave a detailed account of his jour-
ney, and which, for its length, was compared by
Peter Martyr to the celebrated letter, that came
to the Senate from Tiberius, contained in every
page thanks to God that he had escaped from
such great dangers and labours. Both the letter
and the presents were entrusted to a man named
Arbolanche, who departed from Darien about the
beginning of March, 1514.

In his letter to the king, Vasco Nuiiez men-

TO THE KING OF SPAIN, 59

tioned that he had not lost a man in these battles
with the Indians. But, indeed, why should he
have done so, for what was there in their simple
weapons and innocent mode of warfare, that could,
unless by accident, destroy a well-armed man ?

CHAPTEK V.

Pedrarias appointed Governor of Darien — His character —
The eagerness of men to come out with him — The return of
Enciso — The old colonists deliberate how they shall receive
the Governor — Vasco Nunez recommends a welcome recep-
tion — Vasco Nunez's audiencia — He is put into confine-
ment^ hut afterwards released — Darien unhealthy — Seven
hundred of the new colonists die — Pedrarias begins to send
out expeditions — Pizarro leaves Vasco Nunez s faction —
Goes out with Gaspar de Morales as second in command —
The cruelties committed — All these expeditions unsuccessful
— The melting-house shut up — Reflections,

'ASCO NUNEZ had now established
himself, and might have been considered
as destined by Fortune to be the dis-
coveror and conqueror of Peru: Pizarro is^still
comparatively unkno wn, little tho ught of, undis-
tinguished from theo rdinary run of subordinate

captains ; and little Jikely^.to _carry out Anything,
that Vasco Nune z might fail in. I t is probable,
too, that in the eyes of Vasco Nunez^_who^

FORTUNE FAVOURS PIZARRO. 61

all great men, was undoubtedly a good judge of
men and their abilities, Hurtado and Colmenares
both possess more genius a nd fitness for comman d
J jian Pizarr g; but it is not always that genius and
striking abilities carry the daj ; perseverance ofte n

succeeds where theY_ Jajl. Pizarro, it is probable,
s poke litt le, butreflected much. His quiet steady
perseverance is undoubte d; and that, i n time ,
when the opportunity cam e, stood him in t he
stead of geniu s, and accomplished very astonish ini^
results. Fortune now at this time made a great
move in his favour.

The rumour, which had reached Vasco Nunez,
and had made him undertake at any risk the en-
terprise in search of the Pacific, in which he had
been so successful, was not a false one: the
Spanish government had appointed, even before
he began that enterprise, a governor for Darien.
It is probable that previously even to the arrival
of Quicedo and Colmenares, who had been sent
by Vasco Nunez with an account of what Co-
mogre's son had told him, the appointment of the
governor was quite settled.* The news, brought

* They arrived in Spain in May, 1513, and the date of
Pedrarias's appointment is July 27, 1513

62 PBDRARIAS GOVERNOR OF DARIEN.

by these deputies from Darien, served to heighten
the Importance of the appointment, and greatly to
augment the numbers of the expedition. As all
Spain was in a state of excitement at the idea of
fishing up gold with nets, the appointment of
Governor of Darlen was much sought after ; but
ultimately was conferred upon the man, whom the
Bishop of Burgos (who afterwards was President
of the Council for the Indies) favoured, namely,
Pedrarias de Avila.

He was an elderly man of rank, of high con-
nections, of much repute in war, having served
with honour in Africa; but in wisdom he does
not seem to have been superior to Bobadilla.*
From his feats in the tournament he had acquired
the name of " Justador," the jouster.

* " I often imagine him (Bobadilla) to have been such a
man as may often be met with, who, from his narrowness of
mind and distinctness of prejudice, is supposed to be high-
principled and direct in his dealings, and whose untried
reputation has great favour with many people ; until, placed
in power some day, he shows that to rule well requires
other things than one-sidedness in the ruling person ; and
is fortunate, if he does not acquire that part of renown,
which consists in notoriety, by committing some colossal
blunder, henceforth historical from its largeness." — Helps's
Sp. Cona., i. 170,

HIS CHARACTER, 63

There is one thing to be said for the appoint-
ment of men of that age and station, which, if it
occurred to King Ferdinand, would have been
very likely to have had great weight with him.
It is that they are nearly sure of being faithful to
their sovereign. It is too late to form great in-
dependent schemes of their own ; but then they
lack the lissomness of mind, as well as of body,
which is necessary in dealing with such entirely
new circumstances, as those which the Spanish
captains in the New World had to encounter.
I conjecture Pedrarias to have been a suspicious,
fiery, arbitrary old man. ^^ Furor Domini " was a
name given him by the monks in after days ; just
as Attila enjoyed and merited the awful title of
the ^^ Scourge of God."

Comogre's son had said that a thousand men
would be necessary to make their way to the sea,
and to obtain the riches, which were there to be
obtained. For greater safety twelve hundred was
the number assigned to Pedrarias for his arma-
ment, and fifteen hundred was the number which
went ; for it happened that there was a great dis-
banding of troops at that time, and the men thus
set free were anxious to enter the service of
Pedrarias.

64 PEDRAEIAS'S EXPEDITION.

When Pedrarias arrived at Seville, he found
no fewer than two thousand young men eager
to be enrolled in his forces, and '' not a small
number of avaricious old men," many of whom
offered to go at their own expense. It was neces-
sary, however, not to overload the ships; and,
therefore, many of these candidates were rejected.
Among those chosen were several nobles. A
bishop also was appointed to the new colony,
whose name was Juan de Quevedo.

Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo, the celebrated
historian, went out as veedor in this expedition.
Gasper de Espinosa as alcalde mayor, and as
alguazil mayor the Bachiller Enciso, whose ap-
pointment boded no good to Vasco Nunez. It
must be borne in mind that Enciso had been the
partner of Ojeda, Pizarro's former commander,
and so may probably have had some influence in
detaching Pizarro from Vasco Nunez.

Pedrarias set sail with his men from the port
of San Lucar in twelve or fifteen vessels, on the
12th of April, 1514. Vasco Nunez's messenger,
Arbolanche, reached the Court of Spain too late
by far for his master's interests, for he only de-
parted from Darien in the beginning of March,
15J

SEVERITY OF PEDB ARIAS. 0,5

This expedition under Pedrarias was one of
the greatest sent out to the Indies in those times,
and it cost the King of Spain a very large outlay.
Had it been under the command of a wise and
great man like Columbus, or even of a great com-
mander like Cortes or Vasco Nunez, it might
-4iave been the beginning of a wise colonization j
of South America. But great means seldom
come into great hands, or perhaps the world
would advance too fast ; while, on the contrary,
the most important and successful experiments
are often made, like those of renowned inventors
in mechanics or chemistry, with few, shabby, and S
ill-fitting materials.

On the voyage Pedrarias had an opport,unity

of manifesting the severity of his character, as,

for a comparatively slight act o f disobed ience, he

cau^ M one of his own atten dants to be hanged,

^and thus created terror throughout the fleet.

Before reaching Darien the armament entered
the harbour of Santa Martha, and thence, pursuing
its course westward, touched at the Isle Fuerte,
and afterwards, entering the Gulf of Uraba, made
its way to the new settlement of Santa Maria de
la Antigua del Darien.

F

66 RECEPTION OF PEDRARIAS.

Immediately on the arrival of the fleet in the
Gulf of Uraba, Pedrarias sent a messenger to
Vasco Nufiez to inform him of his arrival. The
messenger did not find Vasco Nufiez surrounded
by any of the usual signs of power and splendour,
but clothed in a cotton shirt, loose drawers and
sandals, overlooking and helping some Indians to
put a straw-thatch on a house. On hearing the
message, Vasco Nunez, who had no doubt well
considered his part, sent a respectful welcome to
the new governor, and said that the colonists were
ready to receive him. The little colony now
consisted of four hundred and fifty soldiers, men
inured to danger, and, to use the expressive words
of the original, ^^ tanned with labours." It is said
that there was much discussion among them as to
how they should receive Pedrarias ; and the his-
torian Herrera thinks, but not justly as it seems
to me, that these four hundred and fifty men could
have mastered the fifteen hundred whom Pedrarias
brought with him. In a month's time this might
have been so ; but at present these fifteen hundred
men, being chosen persons, full of hope and con-
fidence, admirably equipped, and with the terror
of the king's name, would have scattered Vasco

HE SUMMONS VASCO NUNEZ, 67

Nunez's men like chaff before the wind. Coun-
sels of peace prevailed ; and it was agreed that
they should go out unarmed, and in the peaceful
dress of magistrates, not of soldiers. The old
colonists, therefore, — one of them certainly with
a heavy heart, but all with apparent joyfulness —
came out to meet their countrymen, singing the
Te Deum, Pedrarias landed and billeted his men.
This was on the 30th of June, 1514.

It is a custom, I believe, even in our own
times, that, in some departments, the minister
coming in should have a long conference with the
minister going out; and if this is requisite in settled
countries, it was far more so in those new-found
states, where the inhabitants, the climate, the pro-
visions, the geography, and the mode of warfare
were all unknown to the new comers. On the
day after his arrival, Pedrarias summoned Vasco
Nuiiez to his presence, and with gracious words
respecting the appreciation of Vasco's services,
which was now entertained at Court, requested
him to give an exact account of this new land,
and of the men who inhabited it. Vasco Nuiiez
replied fittingly to this courtesy, and promised to
give an account in writing, which he did in the

68 NARRATIVE OF VASCO NUNEZ.

course of two days^ and which contained the whole
narrative of his administration, that had now con-
tinued for three years. He also described the
rivers, fissures {quehradas), and mountains where
he had found gold, the caciques whom he had
made allies (these were more than twenty), and
his journey of discovery to the South Sea and to
the ^^ Rich Isle," as it was called, of pearls. It is
probable that Vasco Nuiiez may on this occasion
have given some account of what he supposed to
be the population of Darien, which is stated to
have been above two millions.

The first thing after this to be done was to
take the residencia of Vasco Nunez, the result
of which was that, for the injuries done to Enciso
and others, he was condemned to pay several
thousand castellanosy and was put into confine-
ment, but afterwards, in consideration of his
services, was set free.

The next thing was to make settlements in
those territories, where Vasco Nunez had sug-
gested they should be made, when he was advising
the expedition to discover the South Sea. But in
the mean time Pedrarias's people began to fall ill.
The situation of Darien w^as very unhealthy ; and
the new comers not only suffered from the effects

FAMINE AND DEATH AT DARIEN. 69

of the climate, but from those of sheer hunger.
On disembarking, the provisions brought by the
fleet had been divided among the men, but the
flour and the greatest part of the provisions were
found to have been spoilt by the sea. The old
colonists were not in any way prepared for such
an accession to their numbers, and there were no
neighbouring Indians who might assist in such an
emergency. The expedition had thus sailed into the
very jaws of famine. Men clad in silks and bro-
cades absolutely perished of hunger, and might be
seen feeding like cattle upon herbage. One of
the principal hidalgos went through the streets
saying that he was perishing of hunger, and in
sight of the whole town dropped down dead. In
less than a month seven hundred men perished.

Pedrarias himself was taken ill, and by the
advice of physicians went to a station at a little
distance from the town. All these misfortunes
delayed the sending out of the expeditions, and
probably indisposed the minds of men for the
adventure they had come upon.* They must

* Some of the principal men were allowed to return to
Spain ; and they went to Cuba, and many engaged in the
expeditions sent out from that island.

70 ABSCONDING OF CAPTAIN JUAN

have felt disappointed and desperate, and there-
fore were ready for any cruelty.

One of the first of his captains, whom Pedrarias
sent out, was Juan de Ayora, who entered into
the territories of Vasco Nunez's friendly chiefs,
to make settlements there. He proved himself a
terrible tyrant, and undid all the good, that Vasco
Nuiiez's wise policy had begun. He obtained
a large quantity of gold, but neither the king,
nor Pedrarias, nor the expedition was any the
better for this gold, as Juan took ship, and, fur-
tively making off with his plunder, was never
heard of more in Darien.

There are signs, however, of an understanding
springing up between the governor and Vasco
Nunez; for the bishop, who had come out with
Pedrarias, suggested that Hurtado, the great
friend and ally of Vasco Nuiiez, should be sent
out to see ^^what God had done with the lieu-
tfiliant Juan de Ayora."
/ The next enterprise worth mentioning is thatf
^ entrusted to the Bachiller Enciso, but it was
attended with no results. It is probable that all
this time the prudent and thoughtful Pizarro had
never once forgotten what he had heard of the

MORALES SENT TO THE SOUTH SEA. 71

j nations of the South Sea ; for he holds himself 1
aloof from every expedition, that is not directed to

p" those parts.

But now Pedrarias determines to send one
under Gaspar de Morales to the South Sea, to
find pearls in the islands in the Gulf of San
Miguel. Vasco Nunez had been anxious to visit
these islands, but had been dissuaded from doing
so by his friend Chiapes. Pizarro joined himself
to this expedition, and was employed as second
in command. It committed the most dreadful
cruelties, and aroused the most deadly hatred in
the Indians.

They formed a great conspiracy to destroy
Morales, in which no fewer than twenty caciques
were concerned. By torture Morales managed
to obtain some intelligence of what was going on,
and succeeded in defeating the plans of the con-
spirators. The caciques, whom he captured, he
gave to his dogs to tear in pieces. And yet in
this very territory Morales had been received in
the most friendly manner. He now directed his
course to the territory of a cacique, called Biru, at
the eastern end of the Gulf of San Miguel. It
is conjectured to have been from a corruption

72 CRUELTIES TO THE INDIANS.

of his name that the great kingdom of Peru was
so called. This chief pressed the Spaniards so
closely, that^ though victorious, they did not think
it worth their while to stay in his territory.
Morales made, therefore, his way, with all speed,
back to Darien. Meanwhile, the people of the
caciques, whom he had thrown to his dogs, joined
themselves to the Cacique Birti, and hovered about
his rear. To free himself, the Spanish commander,
had recourse to a most cruel expedient. He
stabbed his Indian captives at intervals, as he
went along, hoping thus to occupy the pursuing
Indians. This incident is alluded to in becoming
terms of indignation by Vasco Nunez, now a
critical observer of other men's doings, in a letter
to the king, where he says that a more cruel deed
was never heard of among Moors, Christians, or
any other people. Oviedo speaks of this trans-
action as an ^^ Herodian cruelty," and states that
ninety or a hundred persons perished through it.
However atrocious, it seems to me to be surpassed
by many of the transactions in the Terra-firma,
and it had at least the justification of being done
in self-defence.* At last Morales and his men,

* If these captives, whom they stabbed and dropped, as

FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITIONS, 73

having fought their way with immense valour,
if such a word can be justly applied to the pro-
ceedings of such men, and having had the most
frightful difficulties and sufferings to contend
with from the nature of the country they passed
through, reached Darien. Pizarro was the second
in command here; it certainly was a terrible
school, in which to bring up the future conqueror
of Peru.

All these expeditions had been so manifestly
unsuccessful, that the Governor of Darien began
to take the state of affairs much to heart. He
ordered the melting-house, Casa de la Fundicion^
to be closed — a most clear signal of distress ; he
also, in conjunction with the bishop, ordered public
prayers to be offered up, that God might remove
His anger from them. I do not find, however,
that any change of policy took place in accordance
with these prayers, unless it was that the next
expedition seems to have been sent out in a dif-
ferent direction. But it, like the others, proved
unsuccessful.

they went along, were the daughters and wives of the
Indians, whom the Spaniards are represented as having
captured in the midst of some festivity, it was an act of
cruelty seldom equalled.

74 E SPIN OS A' S EXPEDITION.

Then Espinosa, Pedrarias's alcalde mayor, had
an opportunity of retrieving the fortunes of the co-
lony, and restoring peace of mind to the governor.
A monk, who accompanied the expedition, upon his
return to Spain, stated that he had seen with his
own eyes, killed by the sword or thrown to savage
dogs, in this expedition of Espinosa's, above forty
thousand souls. This seems almost incredible,
but let no one doubt it, or imagine that he can
realize to his mind what such an expedition would
be capable of, until he has fully pictured to him-
self what his own nature might become, if he
formed one of such a band, toiling in a new fierce
clime, enduring miseries unimagined by him be-
fore, gradually giving up all civilized ways, growing
more and more indifferent to the destruction of
life,— the life of animals, of his adversaries, of his
companions, even his own, — retaining the adroit-
ness and sagacity of man, and becoming fell, reck-
less, and rapacious, as the fiercest brute of the forest.
Not more different is the sea, when, some mid-
summer morning, it comes with its crisp, delicate
little waves, fondling up to your feet, like your
own dog, — and the same sea, when, storm-ridden,
it thunders in against you with foam and fury

ITS ACTS AND RESULTS, 75

like a wild beast ; than is the smiling, prosperous,
civilized man, restrained by a thousand invisible
fetters, who has not known real hunger for years,
from the same man, when he has starved and
fought and bled, been alternately frozen and
burned up, and when his life, in fact, has become
one mad blinding contest with all around him.

Espinosa's expedition, however murderous, was
not unsuccessful in the way in which success was
then reckoned ; for he recovered some gold, that
had been lost on a previous expedition, and brought
back eighty thousand pesos and two thousand
slaves. Pascual de Andagoya, one of the cap-
tains in it, says that " all this company of slaves
perished at Darien, as did all the rest who were
brought there."

Throughout these expeditions in the Terra-
firma, which would else be as interesting as they
are important, the reader is vexed and distracted
by new and uncouth names of people and of places.
The very words Rome, Constantinople, London,
Genoa, Venice stir the blood, and arrest the
attention; any small incident in their fortunes
enjoys some of the accumulated interest, which is
bound up with these time-honoured names ; while

76 REFLECTIONS,

it requires an effort of imagination to care about
what may happen to Comogra, Dabaye^ Poncha,
or Pocorosa. It is only on perceiving the im-
mense importance of those events, which happen
in the early days of new-found countries, that
we can sufficiently arouse our attention to con-
sider such events at all.

Then, however, we may see that the fate of
future empires, and the distribution of races over
the face of the earth depend upon the painful
deeds of a few adventurers and unrenowned native
chieftains ; they themselves being like players,
whose names and private fortunes we do not care
much about, but who are acting in some great
drama, the story of which concerns the whole
world.

CHAPTER VI.

Vasco Nunez restless — sends for men on his own account — -
The Governor is angry. — Vasco Nunez receives the title of
Adelantado from the Court of Spain — is reconciled to the
Governor.^ espouses his daughter — is sent hy the Governor
to Ada to build ships for the Sea of the South — carries the
materials across the isthmus — is suspected hy the Governor,
Pizarro is sent to arrest him. — Vasco Nunez is tried, con-
victed of high treason, and executed.

"HILE all those expeditions, which have
been mentioned in the previous chapter,
were being carried on, and in one of
which Pizarro was employed, it will not be sup-
posed that Vasco Nunez, with all his activity and
energy — a man of whom it had been said that
" he could not be quiet, while his bread was being
baked" — was patient or at rest. It has been seen
that he had become a critical observer of men's
actions ; but looking on was not likely to satisfy
a man of his restless disposition.

78 VASCO'S PRIVATE EXPEDITION,

Many and severe must have been the com-
parisons, made by the men who had served under
him, between the successful mode, in which he had
alternately soothed and terrified the Indian ca-
ciques, and the unsuccessful manner, in which the
captains of Pedrarias had prosecuted their dis-
astrous adventures. As, therefore, Pedrarias did
not seem likely to employ him, he at length re-
solved to undertake au expedition of his own, and
sent secretly to Cuba for men, to accompany him
in peopling the coasts of the Southern Sea.

While his messenger, Andres Garavito, was
away on this errand, Pedrarias, perhaps at the
solicitation of the Bishop of Darien, or it might
have been from motives of policy, resolved to
employ him in making an entrance (a favourite
phrase of the Spaniards) into the country of Da-
baye, of which Vasco had written great accounts
to the Court of Spain. But, encountering here
the Indians on the water, he completely failed,
got wounded, and escaped with difficulty. It may
be imagined that this ill-success was not dis-
pleasing to the captains of Pedrarias, or, indeed,
to the governor himself.

It was seen that Vasco Nunez, soon after his

HE IS ENTITLED '' AD EL ANT ADO r 79

discovery of the South Sea, had sent a man named
Arbolanche to the Court of Spain with the good
news and with rich presents. This messenger
did not come in time to stop the appointment of
Pedrarias; but the tidings, which Arbolanche
brought, were well received ; and the king not
only pardoned Vasco Nunez, but conferred upon
him the title of Adelantado. Hitherto it had been
the fashion at the Court of Spain to speak very
slightingly of Vasco Nunez ; but this intelligence
of the discovery of the South Sea — the greatest
that had reached the mother country, since Colum-
bus had brought back the tidings and the signs of
a new world, — must have changed in great mea-
sure the opinions of the King and of the Court
respecting Vasco Nunez. Joined with this title
of Adelantado, the government of Coyva and
Panama was also granted to him. Coyva is a
small island where Vasco Nunez thought that
there were pearls. The king did not omit to en-
deavour to make Pedrarias and Vasco Nufiez act
harmoniously together, recommending the go-
vernor to show all kindness to so useful a servant
of the Crown as Vasco Nunez; and Vasco Nunez
to please Pedrarias as much as possible. But, as

60 VASCO FOILED BY PEDBAEIAS,

one of Vasco Nunez's biographers observes, '^ that
which was easy at court was impossible at Darien,
where factions prevented it."

Not long after this time Andres Garavito, the
messenger whom Vasco Nuiiez had sent to Cuba,
returned with seventy men, and all the necessary
provisions for an expedition, and came to place
himself under the orders of Vasco Nunez. But,
when at six leagues from the port, he sent secretly
to advise Vasco Nunez of his arrival ; but the
intelligence also reached the ears of the governor,
who ordered Vasco Nunez to be arrested and sent
to prison. At the entreaty, however, of the Bishop
of Darien, the governor did not send Vasco
Nunez to prison, but set him free on certain con-
ditions, which were arranged between them.

Vasco Nunez was now left for some time in
neglect, and might have remained so, but for the
interposition of the Bishop of Darien, between
whom and Vasco Nuiiez a strong friendship or
alliance had sprung up. The bishop succeeded
in making Vasco Nunez and the governor friends,
and he proposed to cement this friendship by the
strongest family bonds, suggesting that Pedrarias
should give his daughter in marriage to Vasco

EXPEDITION TO THE SOUTH SEA, 81

Nunez. The governor assented ; the espousals
were formally made ; but the young lady herself
was in Spain.

Pedrarias now sent Vasco Nunez to occupy a
town in the port of Ada, whence he was to pre-
pare to embark upon the South Sea. Ada, how-
ever, was on one side of the Isthmus, and the
South Sea on the other. It was the bold, and,
considering the number of lives that were con-
sumed by it, the cruel scheme of Vasco Nuiiez to
prepare for the construction of his vessels at Ada,
and to carry the materials overland to the South
Sea.

His first vessels, which were prepared only
after unheard-of labour and terrific loss of life
among the Indians, were rendered useless by the
wood having been eaten through and through
with worms. The next set, before they were
completed, were partly swept away, partly buried
in mud and slime by a high tide, which drove the
terrified workmen up into the trees for safety.
They failed, too, in obtaining food, so that Vasco
Nunez himself was obliged to live upon such
roots of the earth, as he could get.

Receiving, however, fresh supplies from the

82 PEDRARIAS SUPERSEDED.

governor, the Adelantado with incredible labour
contrived to build two brigantines ; there were
two more also, almost completed.

It happened that about this time a report had
reached Ada that Pedrarias was to be super-
seded, and Lope de Sosa appointed Governor of
the Terra-firma. This, which some time ago would
have been most joyous news, was now most un-
welcome ; his fortunes and those of his future
father-in-law being bound up together. Talking
one evening with two friends, one named Valder-
rabano, and the other a clerigo, named Eodrigo
Perez, about the news of Lope de Sosa's coming,
Vasco Nuriez observed that Francis Garavito had
better go to Ada to ask for the iron and pitch
which we want, and if there is a new governor
he will probably receive us well; if Pedrarias
should still be in power, he can let him know in
what state we are, and he will provide what we
want; and then we shall set out on our voyage,
of which I hope the success will be such as we so
much desire. This conversation was very inno-
cent. But it happened that, as Vasco Nuiiez was
talking, it began to rain, and the sentinel took
shelter under the eaves of the hut, where Vasco

VASCO'S LETTER TO THE KING, 83

and his friends were sitting; and he heard just
so much of the conversation, as would convey the
idea to him that Vasco Nunez proposed to his
companions to go away with the ships, and make
the expedition on their own account.

Meanwhile, Andres Garavito, having had a quar-
rel v>^ith Vasco Nunez about the Indian woman,
daughter of Careta, who was much beloved by
Vasco Nunez, revenged himself by informing the
governor that Vasco Nunez intended freeing him-
self from his command. It is probable, too, that
by this time the governor had heard from Spain
of a letter, which Vasco Nunez had sent thither,
bearing date the 16th October 1515, in which
were the strongest expressions of blame respecting
the conduct of the government and the character
of the governor. In it he tells the king of the
atrocities committed by the captains of Pedrarias,
of their turning friendly Indians into watchful
enemies, ravaging the country, branding slaves in
the most reckless manner, and desolating the land
to such an extent, that, as he justly prophesies,
hereafter it will not be possible to find a remedy
for it. He speaks of the confusion in the govern-
ment, of the want of concert and unity of pur-

84 PEDR ARIAS MEDITATES REVENGE,

pose, of the neglect of the king's hacienda. He
then proceeds to give his opinion of the governor's
character : '^ He is a man, in whom reign all the
envy and covetousness in the world; he is wretched,
when he sees that there is friendship between any
persons of worth ; it delights him to hear fables
and chatter from one and the other ; he is a man,
who very lightly gives credit to evil counsels
rather than to those of good ; he is a person with-
out any discretion and without any dexterity or
talent for the affairs of government."*

Pedrarias could no longer contain himself. Fully
bent upon revenge for all his real and fancied
wrongs, he masters his fury sufficiently to write a
crafty letter, to Vasco Nunez, begging him to
come to him at Ada, that they might confer to-
gether upon business. While the governor was
planning this, Vasco Nunez was quietly and se-
renely awaiting the return of his messenger,
Francis Garavito, to bring him intelligence whe-
ther Lope de Sosa was about to supersede Pedra-
rias as governor. Whatever that answer might
be, Vasco Nunez might well feel assured of for-

* Nav. Col., torn. iii. p. 384.

VASCO CONTEMPLATES SUCCESS. 85

tune. If his father-in-law continued in power,
he might be joined by new adventurers, and be
sure of fresh supplies; if Lope de Sosa were
coming, he would sail away with his trustful com-
pany, free from any superior, and confident in his
future fortunes ; the light of his unique renown
throwing forwards a brilliant track in the future,
along which he would sail to still bolder adven-
tures and still greater discoveries. And such, in-
deed, would have been the probable result, had
he once more spread his sails upon the waters,
which owned him for their great discoverer. In
that case, the conquest of Peru would not have
troubled us much with the name or the deeds of
the ignor ant Pizarro , but would have been made
by one fitted to govern and reconstruct, as well as
to conquer. It was a career, with which, in the
opinions of the men of that age, the stars were
certain to have much concern ; and, accordingly,
we learn that a Venetian astrologer and natural
philosopher, called Micer Codro, who had come to
those parts to see the world, had told Vasco
NuSez that, the year in which he should see a
certain star, which the astrologer pointed out, in
such a place of the heavens, he would run great

86 ASTROLOGICAL PREDICTION.

risk of his life ; but, if he escaped that danger, he
would be the greatest and richest lord in all the
Indies.

Walkino; one evenino; — an evenino; in the tro-
pics, where Nature is so large and so gracious, —
probably along the sea-shore, whence he could
see his brigantines lying idly in the harbour,
Vasco Nunez looked up, and beheld his fateful
star in the quarter of the heavens, which the
astrologer had pointed out to him. In the merry
mood of a man who is near his doom — what the
Scotch call " fey," — he turned to his attendants,
and began to mock at the propheoy. " A sensible
man, indeed, would he be, who should believe in
diviners, especially in Micer Codro, who told me
this and this (here he related the Italian's words
of omen) ; and, behold, I see the star he spoke of,
when I find myself with four ships and three
hundred men on the Sea of the South, just about
to navigate it." Though Vasco Nunez did thus
despise the prophecy, it was a very judicious one
(there is no little wisdom sometimes in the words
of charlatans, a wisdom built upon great know-
ledge of life) ; for men's fortunes come to a focus,
or rather to a point, in the intersection of many

PIZARRO AND VASCO NUNEZ. 87

curves of other lines and circumstances ; and what
is done by them then has life and warmth in it,
and can be done then only. It was easy to per-
ceive, even for a person less versed in the foibles
and wild wishes of mankind than an astrologer
would be, that Vasco Nunez was rapidly nearing
some such crisis in his stormy life.

It will be inferred also that this was a great
crisis, too, in the life of Pizarro ; if Vasco suc-
ceeded, Pizarro would be compelled to be content
to play a subordinate part for ever. In that case
he would lose much glory, but would also escape
much infamy; for every child, in connecting
the name of Pizarro with Peru, has learned to
think of him, as the destroyer of thousands of un-
offending and unresisting Indians. It is not quite
clear that Pizarro saw that the rising of Vasco
Nunez's star was the declining of his own, but
undoubtedly he felt that, as long as Vasco Nunez
was on the stage, his part was merely secondary.
At any rate he had separated himself from Vasco
and his fortunes ; indeed, from the time of Enciso's
return with Pedrarias, Pizarro seems to have sided
with those, who were hostile to Vasco Nunez. It
must be remembered that Enciso came out as

88 ARREST OF VASCO,

alguazil mayor under Pedrarias, and we shall
soon see proofs of the intimate connection, that
lay at this time between Pizarro and Enciso, the
implacable enemy of Vasco Nunez.

While Vasco Nunez was contemplating his
future fortunes in such a confident spirit, he was
little aware that the sleepless furies were even
then close behind him. Dramatically, at that
very moment when he was gazing upon his star
in the fateful quarter of the heavens; really, a
few days afterwards, a messenger from Pedrarias
brought a treacherous letter to him in the Island
of Tortoises. No one sent a word of warning to
him, not even his own messenger at Ada ; per-
haps the governor had confided to no one his real
intent. Vasco Nunez went with the utmost rea-
diness to meet his father-in-law at Ada. Now at
least, two men must have known of the governor's
intent to arrest him, and those were the alguazil
mayor, Enciso, and Francisco Pizarro ; the latter
of whom was sent out from Ada with soldiers on
the road to meet Vasco Nuiiez, and seize his per-
son. When Vasco Nuiiez saw Pizarro and the
soldiers waiting to arrest him, he exclaimed,
*^ What is this, Francisco Pizarro, you were not

HE PLEADS INNOCENCE. 89

wont to come out in this fashion to receive me?"
But he attempted neither flight nor resistance;
and^ being thus taken, he was put into the house
of a man, called Casteneda, while the Licentiate
Espinosa was ordered to proceed against him with
all rigour. It is worth remarking that this very
Espinosa was afterwards a silent partner with Pi-
zarro, in furnishing out the expedition to Peru.

At first, Pedrarias pretended that Espinosa was
to proceed against Vasco Nunez only to give him
an opportunity of justifying himself; but, after-
wards, he showed his true wishes, and broke out
into violent reproaches against his son-in-law, who
protested that he was innocent of the meditated
offence laid to his charge, asking why should he
have come to Ada to meet Pedrarias, if he had
not been conscious of his innocence ? It was not
difiicult to form a good indictment against Vasco
Nunez, introducing the imprisonment of Enciso,
the death of Nicuesa, and the reported conversa-
tion of Vasco Nunez with his friends, partially
overheard by the sentinel, which must have been
the main ground of the charge. Vasco denies the
treason imputed to him. Witnesses are sought
for to prove the crimes which he has committed ;

90 EXECUTION OF VASCO.

his words from the beginning are collected (this
is the point at which a friend's hostility, i. e. if it
is held that Andres Garavito, his former friend
and ally, had turned against him, would be so
fatal), and his offence is judged to be worthy
of death. The Licentiate Espinosa, in giving a
report to Pedrarias of the result of the process,
said that Vasco Nunez had incurred the penalty
of death, but, taking into consideration the emi-
nent services, which he had rendered to the state,
the licentiate recommended that his life should
be spared. Pedrarias, however, was implacable.
" Since he has sinned, let him die for it," was the
exclamation of the fiery old man ; and he ordered
the sentence to be instantly carried into effect,
which was that they should cut off Vasco Nunez's
head, the crier going before him, and saying with
a loud voice, " This is the justice, which our lord
the King, and Pedrarias, his lieutenant, in his
name, command to be done upon this man, as a
traitor and usurper of the lands subject to the
royal crown." It was in vain that Vasco Nuiiez
protested against the sentence. He was beheaded,
and after him four of his friends, who were impli-
cated in the so-called conspiracy ; among whom

HIS CHARACTER, 91

was the lay friend Valderrabano, to whom he
confided his intentions on that evening, which
proved so fatal to him. The Clerigo, probably on
account of his profession, escaped a like fate.

Thus perished Vasco Nunez de Balboa, in the
forty-second year of his age ; the man, who, since
the time of Columbus, had shown the most states-
man-like and warrior-like powers in that part of
the world, but whose career was cut short, before
he had had time to do more than to follow in the
paths of Ojeda, and Nicuesa, and the other unfor-
tunate commanders, who devastated those beautiful
regions of the earth. He had helped to pull down,
and was cut off, before he had the opportunity to
attempt to reconstruct, and reorganize. But, at
least, his death left the path to Peru open to
Pizarro, though not immediately ; for Vasco
Nunez was beheaded a.d, 1517, but it was not
until November, A.D. 1524, that Pizarro sailed upon
his first expedition to Peru. An interval of seven
years has to pass by, and during those years, in
the restless eagerness of the Spaniards on the
Isthmus for discoveries, it seems wonderful that
Peru should not have yielded up herself before
that.

BOOK THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.

Pedrarias uses Vasco Nunez's ships — Espinosa sent out —
Gil Gonqalez — The Spice Islands — Lope de Sosa dies —
Pizarro takes to cattle farming — Almagro his partner —
Nicaragua — Panama — Hernandez de Cordova sent against
Gil Gonqalez — Pascual de Andagoya's Expedition towards
Peru — Juan de Basarto is allowed to make a voyage to-
wards Peru — Dies — Pizarro and Almagro come forward —
The triumvirate.

|T was not likely that Pedrarias would
leave those ships, which Vasco Nunez
had constructed with such incredible
toil, and which, at his death, were lying ready at
anchor in the Sea of the South, unemployed.
As soon, however, as the news of Vasco Nunez's
execution reached Spain, Gil Gon9alez Davila,
who had formerly been attached to the household

94 EXPEDITION UNDER ESPINOSA.

of the Bishop of Burgos, received permission to
use those ships on a proposed expedition to the
Spice Islands. This was done on the supposition
that Lope de Sosa would supersede Pedrarias as
Governor of Darien. But Lope de Sosa never
reached Darien alive ; Pedrarias, therefore, con-
tinued governor : but, even before the death of
Lope de Sosa, which happened a. d. 1518, the co-
vetous old man had not failed to take advantage of
Yasco Nunez's death, and to make use of his prepa-
rations for discovery in the South Sea. The Licen-
tiate Espinosa, the very man who had the charge
of the prosecution of Vasco Nuiiez, was sent by
him to take possession of his ships, and to see
whether anything could be made out of his de-
signs. A great mistake was here made in not
joining Pizarro with this expedition ; for what, in
Vasco Nunez's hands, or indeed under Pizarro,
would have ended in the discovery of Peru, now
turned out a fruitless enterprise, Espinosa, in-
stead of going south, where he would have come
upon Peru, went northwards ; and returned with
only having discovered a small extent of country,
as far as Cape Blanco.

Gil Gon9alez, although disappointed in finding

THE SPICE ISLANDS. 95

the government of Darien still in the hands of
Pedrarias, and Vasco Nunez's ships occupied in an
expedition, did not give up his idea, but perse-
vered in preparing other ships on the South Sea ;
and at last, in January, 1522, set sail from an
island in the Gulf of San Miguel, in order to
discover the Spice Islands. It is singular to
notice how no one at this time thought of any-
thing, but the Spice Islands. It seemed to all,
both to the monarchs of Spain, to their statesmen,
and to their captains, that the most desirable en-
terprise, which maritime daring could accomplish
for their nation, was the discovery of these Spice
Islands. It is that idea, undoubtedly, which
reserved Peru for Pizarro, who at this time had
not sufficient influence to obtain the command
of any public expedition, and had not means at
his disposal to furnish out one at his private ex-
pense. He must, however, have felt that what-
ever he wished to do must be done at his own
private cost ; for, keeping the report of Peru and
her riches, which he had heard from the mouth
of Comogre's son, in mind, he took to cattle
farming. His partner in this occupation was a
man named Almao-ro.

96 DISCOVERY OF NICARAGUA.

The land of Kublai Khan was not more at-
tractive to Columbus, than the Spice Islands to
the Spanish sovereigns. Gil Gon9alez therefore
set out, bent on discovering them. The notions,
which the Spaniards had of geography, must have
been somewhat limited and incorrect, for they
turned their course to the north-west instead of
to the south-west. That saved Peru. They dis-
covered the whole coast of Nicaragua, and made
considerable incursions into the interior. The dis-
coveries on the southern side of the Isthmus were
now considerable; and Pedrarias, taking advantage
of Espinosa's small discovery on the north-west
coast, claimed the whole of Gil Gon9alez's newly-
discovered country, Nicaragua ; and, that he
might be nearer the spot to maintain his rights,
established an important station at Panama, on
the southern side of the Isthmus, — a proceeding
of the utmost importance in facilitating the con-
quest of Peru; for, without a station of some
magnitude on the southern side, whence supplies
of food and reinforcements could easily be drawn,
the conquest of a large country like Peru would
have been almost impossible. It was here, at
Panama, that Pizarro and Almagro had their

ITS GOVERNMENT DISPUTED. 97

repartimientos of Indians^ and here their cattle-
farms were. The old governor met with no little
trouble in asserting his right to the government of
Nicaragua ; for his captain, Francisco Hernandez
de Cordova, after driving out Gil Gon9alez, wished
to free himself from Pedrarias's authority, and to
hold his command directly from the audiencia of
Hispaniola, at whose head was Don Diego Co-
lumbus, the son of the great discoverer. These
auditors were, theoretically, the most powerful
body in the New World. Pedrarias, however,
proceeded at once into Nicaragua, and held a
courtmartial on his unfortunate lieutenant; who
made no attempt to escape, and was forthwith
convicted and beheaded, A. D. 1526.

The idea of an expedition to Peru had not been
during this time altogether abandoned ; for Pas-
cual de Andagoya, one of Espinosa's captains, with
Espinosa's assistance, obtained the consent of the
governor to a voyage in the " Sea of the South,"
in the year 1522. He had an encounter with the
natives of Biru, and, it is said, reduced seven of
the lords of the country into obedience to the
king of Spain. He gained additional knowledge
of the coast southwards, which he afterwards

H

98 PIZAERO AND ALMAGRO VOLUNTEER

imparted to Pizarro. Meeting, however, with an
accident which disabled him, he returned to Pa-
nama. The attention of the governor was now
taken up with his conquest of Nicaragua ; and he
would hear of nothing else. But when Gil Gon-
9alez had been driven out a certain man named
Juan Basarto, to whom Pedrarias was under obli-
gation for his having brought men and horses to
aid in the Nicaraguan conquest, came forward and
requested to be allowed to make an expedition to
Peru. The governor consented, but Juan de
Basarto died; this was early in 1524. It was
at this juncture that Pizarro and Almagro, having
made a considerable sum of money by their cattle-
farming, came forward and offered to take up the
expedition. This Almagro, of whom a great
deal will be heard from this time forward, was
the son of a labouring man, with no taint, how-
ever, of Moorish or Jewish blood, bred up in a
town belonging to the Order of Calatrava. Im-
patient of a labourer's life, he had taken service
with a licentiate who lived at the Court of Fer-
dinand and Isabella. It happened that, in a quarrel
with another youth, he stabbed him; and, not
daring to await his trial, he fled, wandering hither

AN EXPEDITION TO PERU. 99

and thither, until finally he came to the Indies, and
was one of the soldiers employed under Pedrarias.
Almagro was, however, in character totally dis-
similar to his partner Pizarro. While Pizarro
was slow, taciturn, reserved, Almagro was alert,
impulsive, generous, and wonderfully skilled in
gaining the hearts of men. They had, some little
time before, taken into partnership (undoubtedly
with a view to an expedition at their own private
cost to the Sea of the South), a very different
person to themselves, named Fernando de Luque,
a clerigo and a schoolmaster. This clerigo was a
favourite with the Governor Pedrarias, and had a
much better repartimiento than the other part-
ners, situated close to theirs, on the bank of the
river Chagre, four leagues from Panama. It has
been discovered in modern times that the Licen-
tiate Espinosa, the prosecutor of the unfortunate
Vasco Nunez, was also a silent partner, and that
it was on his account principally that De Luque
joined the partnership. At any rate, the resources
of De Luque, the steady management of Pizarro,
and the keen activity of Almagro made the part-
nership a prosperous concern. By their cattle-
farms they realized fifteen or eighteen thousand

100 PRELIMINARY ARRANGEMENTS

pesos of gold ; and well would It have been for
all of them, had they been contented to remain as
country gentlemen. But their cattle-farming was
but the means to an end. And, therefore, when
Juan de Basarto died, these three men came for-
ward and offered to undertake his expedition ;
and that was no less than the conquest of Peru.
The agreement between the partners was, that
the division of profits should be equal.* The
division of labour is well stated by Garcilaso de la
Vaga, when he says that Fernando de Luque was
to remain in Panama, to take care and make the
most of the property of the three associates ; Pi-
zarro was to undertake the discovery and con-
quest; Almagro was to go and come, bringing
supplies of men and arms to Pizarro, and then
returning to De Luque, thus making himself the
medium of communication between Panama and
Peru. This company was much laughed at then,
and the schoolmaster got the name of Fernando el
loco (Fernando the Madman), though the trium-
virate was afterwards compared to the memorable

* Pedrarias afterwards became a partner in the enter-
prize, and was to receive a fourth of the profits.

FOR THE ENTERPRISE. 101

Eoman one of Lepidus^ Marc Antony, and Octa-
vius. It was remarked at the time, and intended
to be a sarcasm, that these Spanish triumvirs were
all elderly men (Pizarro was now fifty-four years
old) ; but the remark was not a very wise one, for
it has never been found that ambition or the love
of novelty dies out of the human heart at any
certain age. All men, too, are but children in
those things which they have not experienced;
and not one of these three associates had been
what he would have called a successful man.
The disappointed are ever young ; at least, they
are as anxious to undertake new things, as the
most hopeful among the young. Moreover, the
principal partner, Pizarro, was haunted by a fixed
idea, namely, the discovery of rich regions in the
southern seas, — the words of Comogre's son had
been a sort of light beckoning him for ever on to
riches and to fame ; he had witnessed the attempts
of others to grasp what he knew lay in the un-
known south, and each time fortune had struck
them down, or diverted them away. The south
lay for him; and advancing years only lent a
fiercer aspect to this idea, as they narrowed him
in, and left less and less time for its development.

CHAPTER II.

Pizarro sets sail — his difficulties — is wounded — recommences
his voyage — his dispute with Almagro — some of his men
leave him — his sufferings — succour comes — Tumhez — he
receives two young Indians — returns to Panama.

^^^^ HE voyage of Pizarro is only second to
that of Columbus himself. There may
have been voyages in the history of the
world more important and more interesting than
that of Pizarro ; but if so, the details of them
have been lost. The voyage of Cortes from Cuba
to the coast of Mexico was but a slight affair in
the history of that man's remarkable proceedings ;
but, in Pizarro's life, the voyage is the greatest
part of the career.

The preparations for the outfit were commenced
in 1524. A vessel was bought, which, it is said,
had been built by Vasco Nunez de Balboa; and

PIZARRO SETS SAIL. 103

another was put upon the stocks. The expenses
were very great. Each shipwright received two
golden pesos a day, and his food. Moreover, it
was not possible to go into the market-place, or
down upon the sea-shore, and enlist at once as
many soldiers or sailors as might be wanted ; but
the partners had gradually to form their comple-
ment of men, providing food and lodgment for
them when hired, watching for new comers from
Castille, taking care of them in the illnesses to
which they were liable on first coming into the
country, and advancing them small sums of money,
probably to clear them from debt. At last the
preparations were complete. The three partners,
Pizarro, Almagro, and De Luque, heard mass to-
gether, and rendered the compact more solemn by
each partaking of the sacrament : and, about the
middle of November, 1524, Pizarro set sail in one
vessel, with two canoes, containing eighty men
and four horses. A treasurer, Nicolas de Rivera,
and an inspector, Juan Carillo, who was to look
after the king's fifths, accompanied the expedition.
Almagro was to follow in the other vessel, with
more men and provisions.

Pizarro touched at the island of Taboga, took

104 DIFFICULTIES AND PRIVATIONS

in wood and water at the Pearl Islands, and ar-
rived at the Puerto de Pinas. From thence he
made an expedition into the Cacique Biru's coun-
try. This was a land which, from its rough and
difficult nature, was very difficult to conquer or to
occupy. It was a great error to have stopped
there at all : but probably Pizarro did not wish
to go too far, for fear of missing the promised re-
inforcement that was to come with Almagro.

It may show the difficulties under which the
expedition was got up by these men, when we
find Pizarro in his one ship, with eighty men, en-
during for the next three months when Almagro
joined them, the most dreadful privations. It
seems as if the partners thought anything was
better than deferring the starting of the expedi-
tion until larger means had been procured, or re-
turning discomfited to Panama. For here they
were in a desert or deserted country, suffering
incredibly from hunger, and finding nothing wor-
thy of all this suffering. They proceeded ten
leagues down the coast, and arrived at a port
which they called Puerto de la Hambre, the Port
of Hunger. Nothing was to be got there but
wood and water. They again sailed on for ten

OF PIZABRO'S EXPEDITION. 105

successive days. The provisions they had brought
with them were growing less and less, and finally
the rations appointed for each man were but two
ears of maize a day. Water also began to fail
them. The more impatient of the crew talked
of returning to Panama. Pizarro, with a power
of endurance and a mildness that belonged to his
character, and which he must have often seen
exercised by Vasco Nunez under similar circum-
stances, did his best to console his men, and to
encourage them by the high hopes that steadily
remained before his wistful eyes. They turned
back, however, and made their way to the Puerto
de la Hambre. They did not lose heart even
yet ; and now Pizarro resolved to stop at this de-
plorable Puerto, and send back the ship to the
Pearl Islands, to seek for provisions. Neither for
those who stayed nor for those who went, were
there any provisions but the dried hide of a cow
and the bitter palm-buds which are gathered on
that coast. This was the same food that Pizarro
had known in early days, when he was left as
Ojeda's lieutenant at San Sebastian. He was,
however always on the alert, endeavouring to
provide any sustenance however wretched, for his

106 PIZARRO LANDS.

sick men ; and his constant mind betrayed not the
slightest sign of being overcome by adversity.
In labours and dangers he was ever the first.
Did any expedition promise advantage or help,
Pizarro would not give to anyone else the la-
bour, but undertook the management of every-
thing himself. The Indians of these parts had
poison for their arrows. The Spaniards saw a
man die of a wound in four hours. Had the herb
from which this poison is distilled been found
lower down the coast, upon the broad plains be-
yond Tumbez, the conquest of Peru would hardly
have been made in that generation.

Pizarro's ship now returned from the Pearl
Islands with some provisions. But the number
of Spaniards who died of hunger at the Puerto
de la Hambre was twenty-seven.

The whole body now recommenced their voy-
age, and went further down the coast. Landing
at a place which they called the Pueblo Quemado,
they came, at the distance of about a league from
the shore, upon a deserted Indian town, situated
on an eminence and having the appearance of a
fortress. They found also plenty of provisions
here. The town being near the sea, well-placed

IS WOUNDED, 107

for defence, and well provisioned, it seemed to
Pizarro and his men that they might prudently
make a station here. Their only vessel leaked,
and they resolved to send it back to Panama to
get it repaired; but before this Pizarro ordered
an incursion to be made, in order to secure the
persons of some of the Indians. The Indians re-
treated before the attacking party, and, knowing
the country well, made a circuit, and came down
upon Pizarro and his few men who had remained
in the town. Pizarro, an able man-at-arms, with-
stood the attack bravely, and made himself a
general mark for the Indians. They pressed
upon him, wounded him, and he fell down a steep
descent. They followed, but before they could
kill him he was upon his legs again, and able to
defend himself. Some of his men rushed to his
assistance. The rest of the Spaniards now re-
turned, and compelled the enemy to take to flight.

They then resolved to quit the Pueblo Quemado,
finding that the Indians were too many for them,
and to return with their ship towards Panama.

Throughout this extraordinary voyage the
Spaniards were not fortunate enough to come upon
any Indian settlement that was suitable for them.

108 ALMAGRO FOLLOWS PIZAERO.

Sometimes there were too many Indians in the
vicinity ; more often there were too few.

Arriving at Chicama, in the government of the
Terra-firma, they sent from thence the treasurer
of the expedition, Nicolas de Rivera, in their
vessel with the gold they had found, to give an
account to the Governor Pedrarias of what they
had done and suffered, and of the hopes they still
had of making some great discovery. Meanwhile,
they remained at Chicama, a humid, melancholy,
sickly spot, where it rained continually.

Almagro, always active, had not forgotten his
part of the undertaking ; and starting three
months after Pizarro had set out, came in search
of him with the other vessel belonging to the
associates. When Nicolas de Pivera brought up
at the Island of Pearls, he learned that Almagro
had passed, and he sent to Pizarro to inform him
of this joyful intelligence. Proceeding to Panama,
Rivera informed Pedrarias of what had hap-
pened. The governor was angry when he heard
of the death of the many Spaniards who had
already perished in the expedition. He blamed
Pizarro for his pertinacity ; and the schoolmaster,
De Luque, had much difficulty in preventing the

TAKES PUEBLO QUEMADO. 109

governor from joining another person in command
with Pizarro.

Meanwhile Almagro pursued his way down
the coast, making diligent search for Pizarro.
The only traces he could find of him were the
marks of the Spanish hatchets, where the men
had landed to cut wood. At last he made an
entrance into that part of the country which had
already been so unfortunate for the Spaniards —
in the neighbourhood of the Pueblo Quemado,
He found this town inhabited, and fortified with
palisades. He resolved to take it, and, accordingly,
commenced the attack with great vigour. The
Indians defended themselves obstinately. Almagro
was woTOided in the right eye by a dart, and was
so pressed upon by the Indians, that he would
have been left for dead, if he had not been rescued
by a negro slave of his. Notwithstanding his
sufferings he renewed the contest, and at last
succeeded in gaining the place. His men were
greatly distressed at the accident which had
befallen their leader. They placed him on a
litter made of branches of trees, and when the
pain was assuaged they bore him back to his
vessel.

110 ALMAGRO FINDS PIZAREO.

Again they proceeded on their voyage, and
arrived at the river of San Juan, where the
country seemed better than any they had passed,
and where, on both banks of the river, there were
Indian settlements. They did not venture to
land, however, and resolved to return to Panama.
Touching at the Island of Pearls on their way
back, they learnt that the treasurer, Rivera, had
passed that way, and had left word that Pizarro
was at Chicama. Almagro's delight at hearing
this was great. He had supposed that his com-
panion was dead. He returned to Chicama and
found him. The two commanders recounted
their misfortunes to each other, but resolved to
persevere in their undertaking. It was arranged
that Almagro should return to Panama, while
Pizarro was to maintain his men in the melan-
choly spot where he then was.

Almagro found Pedrarias very ill-disposed
towards the expedition. He was at that time
about to enter Nicaragua, in order to chastise his
lieutenant, Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, and
was not inclined to spare any more men for the
expedition to Peru. Again, however, De Luque
persuaded Pedrarias not to withhold his licence

PROGRESS OF THE ENTERPRISE. Ill

for the levy of more men, though the governor
remained still so much displeased with Pizarro,
that he would not leave him the sole leader of the
enterprise, but joined Almagro with him in the
supreme command. Almagro, with two ships,
and two canoes, with arms, provisions, and a pilot
named Bartolome Ruiz, set sail from Panama, and
joined Pizarro at the place where he had left him.
Pizarro felt deeply the slur cast upon his command
by Almagro's being joined with him in it, and this
has been considered* to have been the commence-
ment of the ill feeling between the two friends.

The enterprise was prosecuted with renewed
vigour. The two commanders went down the
coast, and arrived at a river, which they called the
River Cartagena, near to the San Juan. Thence
they made a sudden attack upon one of the towns
on the River San Juan, in which they were success-
ful ; for they captured some Indians, and took some
gold, weighing fifteen thousand pesos^ of an infe-
rior description. They also found provisions
there. Returning to their ships, they determined
to divide their forces. Almagro was to return to

* See Quintana's Life of Pizarro.

112 BARTOLOME RUIZ,

Panama for more men. Bartolome Ruiz, the
pilots was to prosecute discovery along the coast.
Pizarro was to remain with his men where they
were.

These resolutions were immediately carried
into execution. Bartolome Kuiz, a very dexter-
ous pilot, was exceedingly successful in his share
of the enterprise. He discovered the Island of
Gallo, went on to the Bay of San Mateo, and
thence to Coaque. Still pursuing his course in
a south-westerly direction, he descried, to his
great astonishment, in the open sea, a large
object which seemed like a caravel, and had a
lateen sail. He made for this object and dis-
covered that it was a raft. He captured it,* and
found two young men and three women. Inter-
rogating them by signs, he ascertained that they

* Almagro afterwards gave an account to Oviedo of
various things, that were found on board this Peruvian
vessel, and they were such, as greatly to increase the con-
fidence of Almagro in the ultimate success of his under-
taking. There were pottery on board, and woollen clothes
of exquisite workmanship, also silver and gold; and the
crew spoke of carrying with them a test-stone for gold, and
a steel-yard for weighing it and other metals.

PEDRARIAS SUPERSEDED. 113

were natives of a place called Tumbez. They
spoke many times of a king, Huayna Capac, and
of Cusco, where there was much gold. Bar^
tolome Ruiz went on, passed the equinoctial line,
and arrived at a town called Zalongo. From
thence he retured to PIzarro.

This commander and his men needed all the
comfort, that Ruiz could give them by the
favourable Intelligence which he brought. It
was always the business of PIzarro patiently to
endure great suffering, and to sustain the men
under his command in the most abject kind of
adversity. During the absence of Bartolome
Ruiz they had suffered from sickness and hunger ;
their clothes were never dry ; they had been un-
ceasingly plagued by mosquitos, and had been
attacked, and some of them devoured, by caymans.
The Indians had not left them unmolested, and
fourteen of the Spaniards had died at the hands of
the natives.

It was now far advanced In the year 1526, and
Pedro de los RIos had arrived to supersede
Pedrarias. And Pedrarlas demanded four thousand
pesos as his price for ceasing to be a partner in the
expedition.

114 UNSATISFACTORY RESULTS.

After some angry bargaining he consented to
give up all his claims for a thousand pesos, to be
paid him at a certain date. This buying Pedrarias
out shows the extreme confidence which, even at
a time of great depression and disappointment,
Almagro at least, had in the ultimate success of
his undertaking.

Almagro too found favour with the new
governor so far as to gain his permission to en-
list soldiers. Having enlisted about forty, he set
sail with the requisite provisions from Panama,
and joined Pizarro at the river San Juan.

They all re-embarked, intent upon prosecuting
the discovery which Bartolome Ruiz had already
commenced. They stopped at the Island of Gallo,
to refit, passed the bay of San Mateo, and went
down the coast to a town called Tacamez ; but a
little plunder, here and there, at the expense of
much toil, distress, and sacrifice of health and life,
was the only result.

At this point there was a good deal of hesitation
as to their future course, and discussion as to what
should be done. It is said that Pizarro was for
returning, no doubt dissatisfied with what appeared
to be a mere marauding expedition, and one not at

PIZARRO AND ALMAGRO QUARREL, 115

all equal to the task of discovering and conquering
the rich countries Comogre's son had spoken of;
but Almagro was for pursuing the plan that had
already been so often adopted, namely, that he
should return for more men to Panama. It must
not be thought that Pizarro, by counselling the
return of the expedition to Panama, had lost con-
fidence in the object he had so long in view ; it is
more likely that he was convinced of the ineffici-
ency of their present means, and was willing to
risk imprisonment for debt at Panama rather than
waste any more time in unhealthy stations on the
coast, waiting for the scanty supplies Almagro
could collect at Panama. Almagro thought that
their present life was better than dying in prison
for the debts they had already contracted. Pizarro
replied that Almagro had not suffered from hunger
as he had done, otherwise he also would counsel
return. Upon this Almagro offered to change
places, suggesting that Pizarro should go for rein-
forcements, while he remained to take charge of
the men : Pizarro refused : high words passed
between them, and swords were drawn. At this
juncture the treasurer Rivera, and the pilot Bar-
tolome Euiz interposed, and the old friends were

116 APPEAL OF PIZARRO'S MEN,

reconciled. Pizarro and his men were to stay in
the island of Gallo^ while Almagro returned again
to Panama.

But while the two captains Pizarro and Alma-
gro, each in their different ways, were firmly bent
upon doing something in the South, the common
soldiers were heartily sick of the whole affair.
One of them contrived to send to the governor of
Panama a petition concealed in a ball of cotton,
in which he gave an account of their losses by
death, and of their sufferings, and concluded his
petition with some words which afterwards ob-
tained a great renown in the Indies, and were in
the mouths of all men there.

Literally translated they run thus —

My good Lord Governor,

Have pity on our woes ;
For here remains the butcher,

To Panama the salesman goes.

The governor, accordingly, sent a lawyer
name Tafur to the Island of Gallo, to authorize
the return of all those men under Pizarro 's
command who wished to make their w^ay back to
Panama.

Under these circumstances, it was not to be ex-

HIS ADDRESS TO THEM. 117

pected that Almagro would be able to gain any
new recruits. The governor's representative
Tafur reached the island of Gallo, and the greater
part of Pizarro's company prepared to depart.
Pizarro addressed some words to his men, which
Herrera justly describes as characterized by a
singular modesty and constancy, and the historian
might have added, by great prudence also. Pi-
zarro said, that those who wished to return
should by all means do so; but that it grieved
him to think that they were going to endure
greater sufferings and worse poverty than they
had already endured, and to lose that which they
had so long toiled for, as he did not doubt that
they were on the point of discovering something
which would console and enrich them all. He
then reminded them of what those Indians had
said whom Bartolorae Ruiz had captured. Finally,
he observed that it gave him very great satisfac-
tion to reflect that, in all they had undergone, he
had not excused himself from being the principal
sufferer, contriving that he should rather want
than that they should, — and so, he said, it would
always be.

The dire pressure, however, of recent suffering,

118 PIZAREO'S MEN DESERT HIM.

and a hungry desire to see home again, were
too strong to be overcome by the wise and en-
couraging words of Pizarro. The men accord-
ingly begged Tafur to take them away with him
immediately. This lieutenant, however, pitying
the straits to which Pizarro was reduced, gave him
a chance of retaining any of his companions, who,
at the last moment, might be unwilling to leave
their brave old commander. Tafur, therefore,
placed himself at one end of his vessel ; and,
drawing a line, put Pizarro and his men at the
other. He then said, that those who wished to
return to Panama should pass over the line, and
come to him, and those who did not wish to re-
turn should stay where they were, by the side of
Pizarro. Fourteen resolute men, amongst whom
was a mulatto, stood by the side of their chief;
the rest passed over the line to Tafur.

This simple story has been told in a very dif-
ferent way, according to the invincible passion for
melo-dramatic representation which people of se-
cond-rate imagination delight in, those especially
who have not seen much of human affairs and
w^ho do not know in how plain and unpretending
a manner the greatest things are, for the most

FOURTEEN CONTINUE STAUNCH. 119

part, transacted. The popular story is one which
may remind the classical reader of the story of
the choice of Hercules. Assembling his men,
Pizarro drew his sword, and marked with it a line
upon the sand from west to east. Then, pointing
towards the south, the way to Peru, he said,
" Gentlemen, on that side are labour, hunger,
thirst, fatigue, wounds, sicknesses, and all the
other dangers which have to be undergone until
life is ended. Those who have the courage to
endure these things and to be my faithful com-
panions, let them pass the line. Those who feel
themselves unworthy of so great an enterprise,
let them return to Panamd, for I wish to force
no man." Unfortunately for the credit of this
story we have the evidence, taken before a judge,
of one of the fourteen brave men who stayed with
Pizarro, who states simply that ^*^ Pizarro being
in the island of Gallo, the governor Rios sent for
the men who were with the said captain, alloAving
any one who should wish to prosecute the enter-
prise to remain with him."

It matters but little, however, to show the exact
form which the transaction took, except that it
proves more for the good sense of those men who

120 THE ISLAND OF GOEGONA.

stayed with Pizarro, that they should have been
induced to do so by the rational arguments which
he held out to them, and by a constancy of pur-
pose based upon due consideration of the facts,
rather than by any momentary enthusiasm, the
offspring of a sudden and dramatic incident. The
most notable men among the fourteen were Pedro
de Candia (a native of the island of Candia), and
Bartolome Ruiz de Moguer, the pilot of the ex-
pedition.

The rest of Pizarro's men went back with Tafur
to Panama, having endured a fearful amount of
unrequited suffering, — having, as it were, watched
through the darkest hours of the night, and not
being able to abide that last cold hour before the
sun makes its welcome appearance.

Pizarro and his fourteen brave companions did
not venture to stay in the island of Gallo, as it
was close to the shore, and could, therefore, be
easily attacked by the Indians; but they went
over to an uninhabited island, six leagues from
land, called Gorgona. There, while waiting for
supplies from Almagro, Pizarro and his men sub-
sisted upon shell-fish, and whatever things in any
way eatable they could collect upon the shore.

PIZARRO RECALLED. 121

In the midst of all their misery they did not forget
their piety. " Every morning they gave thanks
to God : at evening-time they said the Salve and
other prayers appointed for different hours. They
took heed of the feasts of the Church, and kept
account of their Fridays and Sundays." Indeed,
the old Spanish proverb,

" Si quereis saber orar,
Aprended a navegar," *

was thoroughly exemplified in the conduct of
Pizarro and his men while staying in the inhos-
pitable island of Gorgona, " which those who have
seen it compare with the infernal regions."

Meanwhile, the generous Almagro and the
good De Luque did not forget their suffering
partner left on the island. After repeated ap-
plications, they persuaded the governor to send a
vessel for Pizarro. Pedro de los Kios consented,
but attached to his consent the condition that
Pizarro and his men should return in six months,
or be subject to heavy penalties. Here then
was the turning point in Pizarro's history, as dis-

* " Learn to be a sailor, if you would know how to
pray."

122 PIZABRO SETS SAIL IN DESPAIR.

coverer and conqueror of Peru. If the vessel that
now came for him and his men took them back to
Panama, as men who had failed, the chances were
that Pizarro at least would either die in prison, or
live to see others reaping the results of all his
patient and persevering labours. The vessel drew
near: the men for joy, although they knew it was
a sail, could not believe their eyes. At last, not
even timiditv itself could doubt ; but it was not
men, but supplies only, that were brought: and
the command to return, under a severe penalty, in
six months. In despair Pizarro and his men re-
solved to make the most use of the time which
was allowed them. They set sail southwards,
keeping close to the shore, and after twenty days
came in sight of a little island which was opposite
to Tumbez, and to which they gave the name of
Santa Clara.

This island was a sacred spot whither at certain
times the inhabitants of the mainland came to
make sacrifices. The Spaniards landed and saw
a stone idol having the figure of a man, except
that its head was fashioned in a conical form. A
much more satisfactory sight was to be seen in
the rich offerings of precious metal which were

DISCOVERS PERUVIAN TREASURES, 123

there — pieces of gold and silver wrought In the
shape of hands, women's breasts, and heads; a
large silver jug, which held four gallons of water ;
also beautifully woven woollen mantles, dyed
yellow, the mourning colour of the Peruvians.
The natives whom Bartolome Ruiz had captured
said that these riches were nothing compared to
those that were to be found in their country.

The Spaniards embarked again, and the next
day discovered a great raft with some of the na-
tives upon it. Then again, four other rafts. Pi-
zarro made them return with him to Tumbez,
and when they arrived there, he gave them leave
to depart, and entrusted them with a friendly
message to the chief inhabitants of Tumbez.

It was resolved in Tumbez to be hospitable to
the strangers, and to send a present to them under
the conduct of a man in authority, whom, from
the artificial deformity of his ears (a sign of rank),
the Spaniards called an Orejon.

Friendly discourse passed between Pizarro and
this Orejon. They dined together, and after-
wards the Spanish captain gave him some pre-
sents — an iron hatchet, some strings of pearls, and
three chalcedones. To the principal lord of the

124 PERUVIAN CIVILIZATION.

town he sent two swine and some fowls. The
Orejon asked If PIzarro would permit some of his
men to return with him to the town. PIzarro
consented, and a certain Alonzo de Molina, with
a negro, accompanied the Orejon on shore.

The principal lord of Tumbez was astonished at
the new animals which PIzarro had sent him.
When the cock crowed he asked what It said.
But nothing surprised him or his people so much
as the negro. They endeavoured to wash him. The
bystanders little thought that these two strangers
— the Spaniard and the negro — were the repre-
sentatives of nations who came to dispossess them,
and that thousands upon thousands of these black
men would become In after days the Inhabitants
of their dear Peru. On the other hand, the Spa-
niard and the negro were not less astonished at
what they beheld. They saw a fortress which
had six or seven walls, aqueducts, stone houses,
vessels of silver and gold. Indeed they had now
arrived at a spot where they might form some
estimate of Peruvian civilization. The valley
of Tumbez contained a town, where was a palace
of the reigning Inca, a temple dedicated to the
sun, where were the sacred virgins ; and beautiful

PEDRO DE C AND I A VISITS TUMBEZ. 125

gardens, in which all kinds of plants and animals
were kept. Some of these animals gave occasion
to what was looked upon as a miracle of no small
importance. Pizarro, wishing to test the accuracy
of Molina's account of w^hat he had seen, sent
Pedro de Candia, a large man of noble presence,
to see the town. Clad in a coat of mail, with a
brazen shield on his left arm, his sword in his
belt, and in his right hand a wooden cross, the
bold Greek stepped forth towards the towm, as if
he had been the lord of the whole province. The
people flocked to see him, and wishing, very ju-
diciously, to ascertain the temper and quality of
their new guest, let loose two wild animals (a
lion and tiger they are called) ; but these animals,
perhaps too well fed to attack any man, especially
one clad in mail, made no attempt to molest him ;
while he, as the story goes, made no attempt to
frighten them, but gently laid the cross upon
their backs, " thus giving those Gentiles to under-
stand that the virtue of that sign took away the
ferocity even of wild beasts." What effect it had
hitherto had upon men was not so clearly signi-
fied. The natives now received Pedro de Candia
as a superior being, and conducted him over the

126 PEUU AND ITS RICHES.

temple and the palace* The temple was lined with
plates of gold, and the palace contained every
kind of vessel for use and ornament made of the
same precious metal. In the gardens were ani-
mals moulded in gold. Pedro de Candia, having
feasted his eyes with these splendours, returned
to his companions. They now knew enough of
the riches of Peru to satisfy the most incredulous;
but they still persevered in going down the coast.
They reached Collaque and went on farther to
what they called Puerto de Santa. But, having
reconnoitred thus far, they resolved to return to
Panama. In all this region they were well received
by the natives. Pizarro had the prudence to ask
for some young Indians to be given him, who
mio-ht be tauo-ht the Castillian lano-uao-e. Two
youths were accordingly brought to him, who
were baptized, one being named Martin and the
other Felipillo (little Philip), who afterwards be-
came a celebrated and most mischievous inter-
preter. The gallant company then made their
way back to Panama freighted with great news.
Peru had been discovered. What Comogre's son
had years before this told Vasco Nunez was proved
to be quite true, the Spaniards might indeed here

THE RETURN TO PANAMA. 127

fulfil their desires, and here were the precious
metals in greater abundance than was iron in
Biscay ; but what he at the same time said was
true also, that a thousand men would be requisite
for undertaking the conquest of this country. The
next thing then that Pizarro determined upon waa
to obtain these thousand men and effect the con-
quest.

He had at least returned a successful man.
His patience and indomitable perseverance had so
far brought their reward. Whoever might gain
the advantage of the conquest of Peru, he had
been the discoverer of it. And so he returned
to Panama ; not satisfied, but so far successful as
to be in a position to ask for what shall ensure
success. This was at the end of the year 1527.

CHAPTER III.

Pizarro goes to the Spanish Court — Returns to Panama — '
Starts for the Conquest of Peru — Is again surrounded with
difficulties — Pounds the town of San Miguel.

jIZARRO, Immediately upon his arrival
at Panama^ determined to go at once
to the Spanish Courts in order to get
established, if possible, in his rights as disco-
verer of Peru, and to obtain men and means to
effect the conquest of it. He thought that
Comogre's son's thousand men, with the necessary
equipment, could be more easily obtained in the
Old World, and with the influence of the Spanish
Court, than at Panama. ' He seems to have acted
in this matter with much circumspection and
secrecy. Instead of letting Almagro go alone,
or even accompany him, he takes the matter into
his own hands. His partner, the worthy school-

PIZARRO IN SPAIN. 129

master, saw into his designs, and is reported to
have said to Pizarro and Almagro, ^^ Please God,
my children, that you do not steal the blessing
one from the other, as Jacob did from Esau ; but
I would that you had both gone together." It
was a very apt illustration in character at any
rate; for Pizarro was not unlike Jacob, and
Almagro was the open-handed, plain, unsus-
pecting soldier of fortune.

Pizarro arrived safely in Spain, but had not
long disembarked before that persistent Bachiller
of law, Enciso, put him in prison, probably for
some claim which he had against him in reference
to the expedition of Ojeda. Pizarro was soon
freed from this degrading imprisonment, and
making his way to the Spanish Court, was well
received there. His main object was speedily
accomplished. He was confirmed in the rights
of his discovery, and the government of Peru
was assigned to him, the extent being defined to
be two hundred leagues down the coast, from,
Tenumpuela (the island of Puna is meant, I think)
to Chincha; the title of Adelantado was also
given to him ; and the bishopric of Tumbez was
assigned to Fernando de Luque. Pizarro then

K

130 PIZARRO JOINED BY HIS BROTHERS.

went to visit his native town Truxillo, in Estre-
madura. It is not often that a man has come
back to his home with more renown; and he
seems to have had the unusual fortune of in-
spiring his nearest relatives with some belief in
him, or at least in his success. His brothers,
Fernando ^who was the only legitimate one),
Juan, Gonzalo, and Martin, resolved to sell their
estates and to join their brother Francisco in his
enterprise. This gathering of the family around
him apparently strengthened him much. His
brother Fernando was a man of great ability,
though of a nature and temperament which
afterwards proved very detrimental to the go-
vernor.

Notwithstanding all these present advantages,
Pizarro found it difficult to furnish the necessary
complement of men for his vessels ; and it was
only by a trick that he contrived to elude the in-
vestigation of the king's officers at Seville, who
had orders to see that his vessels were duly
furnished and equipped, before being allowed to
depart. One hundred and twenty-five men were
all that he could number when he arrived at
Nombre de Dios, from which port he made his

DISSATISFACTION OF ALMAGRO. 131

way to Panama. The meeting of the principal
partners was not at all friendly, for Almagro
was naturally much discontented at the neglect,
which Pizarro had shown of his interests at
Court. Hitherto the only fruits of Almagro's
enterprise had been the loss of his eye, and the
various debts which he had rendered himself
accountable for; and now he was not to share
any of his partner's honours. It may here be
mentioned that Pizarro, in addition to other marks
of favour which he had received, had been ap-
pointed a knight of the Order of Santiago,^* The
arrival moreover, of Pizarro's brothers was not
a pleasing circumstance to Almagro; and then
began those feuds between him and the Pizarros,
which afterwards led to the most deadly conse-
quences.

By the advice, however, of common friends,
the two associates were brought to terms ; Pizarro
agreeing to renounce the appointment of Ade-
lantado in favour of Almagro, and binding him-
self not to ask any favour from the Spanish Court

* It is pleasing to find that the brave men who had stood
by Pizarro in the Island of Gallo were made hidalgos.

132 EXPEDITION TO PERU,

for himself or his brothers, until he should have
obtained a government for his partner, to com-
mence where the limits of his own ended.

The preparations for departure were then
completed, and Pizarro set sail from Panama on
the 28th of December 1530 in three small ships,
carrying one hundred and eighty-three men and
thirty-seven horses. Three years had already
elapsed since he had returned from having dis-
covered Peru, three long years no doubt to him,
full, too, of disappointments and hindrances. He
was obliged to set out also with a force far below
what he considered necessary. This time, how-
ever, he reached the bay of San Mateo in three
days, a distance which had before taken him two
years and more. But now he found the people
everywhere in arms against him. He seized
upon the town of Coaque and captured booty
to the amount of 15,000 pesos in gold, 1500 marks
in silver and many emeralds. Upon this he sent
his vessels back with the spoil to Panama, hoping
that they would soon return with men and horses.
But the same misfortunes came down upon him
now as upon his previous voyage, when he was
obliged to wait for supplies, and his vessels had

CIVIL WAR IN PERU. 133

been sent away. It was several months before
these vessels returned, and during that time
Pizarro and his men underwent all the miseries
of a most malignant climate. It may be that
there was some compensation in all this waiting ;
for -at this very time, as the Spaniards were wasting
away by units, their future adversaries, the Peru-
vians, were busy in destroying their thousands by
a civil warfare carried to the extreme of barbarous
hostility.

After seven weary months the two vessels
which had been sent to Panama hove in sight,
bringing twenty-six horse-soldiers and thirty foot-
soldiers ; and for these they had been obliged to
endure all the miseries of the last seven months.

Pizarro then marched along the coast until he
came opposite to the island of Puna. He and his
men passed over in rafts to that island. There
he was received with great apparent joy, to the
sound of musical instruments; and the chief
Curaca (cacique) gave him a sum of gold and
silver. As it was the rainy season Pizarro re-
solved to take up his quarters there.

The inhabitants of Puna, however, not liking
tlie continued proximity of such neighbours,

134 INDIAN ATTACK AND DEFEAT.

planned an attack upon them. It was disco-
vered by means of the interpreters, and the
Curaca and his sons were immediately seized
by Pizarro. This did not, however, prevent the
attack ; but the Indians were, after a contest of
some hours, routed with great loss of life.

The Spanish commander then resolved to leave
the island and to steer for Tumbez. By means
of rafts which he compelled the Curaca to pro-
vide, he attempted to get his baggage across to
the main land, putting a man in charge of each
of the three rafts, while he and the rest of his
men crossed over in the vessels and got safely to
Tumbez. But the disposition of the natives here
also was changed. Pizarro found the whole
population In arms ; they had intercepted his
baggage and cut off the men in charge of it.

One ground for the change of disposition may be
easily assigned. They were very different things,
showing courtesy and hospitality to a few men in
a boat, and receiving amicably a small armament
in three vessels.

The Spanish commander demanded the pro-
duction of his three men. Being set at defiance
by the Indians, who were emboldened by having

SAN MIGUEL FOUNDED,^ 135

a river between them and the Spaniards, he
caused a raft to be constructed, crossed over,
routed them, and reduced the country to sub-
mission.

Pizarro now resolved to quit Tumbez and to
found a town lower down the coast southwards.
He accordingly took his departure on the 18 th of
May, 1532. After journeying for several days
he selected a spot for his new town, which he
called San Miguel. It was founded with all the
usual formalities. Spanish residents were assigned
to it, among whom the neighbouring Indians were
distributed.*

Meanwhile vessels had arrived from Panama
with supplies, but with no troops ; for Almagro,
it was said, intended to come and colonize on his
own account.

Pizarro, hearing this, wrote to Almagro when
he sent the vessels back, begging him to change
his project, and stating how much the service of
God and his majesty would suffer from the estab-
lishment of another colony, as tending to frustrate
the main design of the enterprise.

* This repartimiento was given conditionally.

136 THE MONARCH OF PERU,

It may here be observed how greatly the enter-
prise of Pizarro was facilitated by the establish-
ment of the Spaniards at Panama. There is no
doubt that he suffered much, and was kept back
owing to the scantiness of his supplies of pro-
visions and men, yet what he accomplished would
have been impossible unless there had been a
source of recruiting at Panama.

Pizarro, too, was fortunate in that he had not
to contend against any tribes of Indians who
made use of poisoned arrows. This alone was as
good for him as if his armament had been quad-
rupled in number.

While Pizarro was at his new town he learned
something of the country he was about to con-
quer. He heard that, on the road to places called
Chincha and Cusco, there were populous towns
very large and rich ; and that a journey of twelve
or fifteen days from San Miguel would bring him
to a well-peopled valley, called Cassamarca, where
Atahuallpa, the greatest monarch of those parts,
was stationed. This prince had just come as a
conqueror from a far-off land — his country, and
having arrived at the province of Cassamarca
(" cassa," hail, and *• marca," a province), he had

INTERNAL FEUDS. 137

fixed himself there, because he had found it
pleasant and rich, and from thence he was about
to extend his conquests. Fernando Pizarro thus
states in a letter his brother's knowledge at this
time of the affairs of the Peruvian kingdom : —

^^ He heard that there was at Cassamarca, Ata-
huallpa, son of old Cusco, and brother of him who
was at that time lord of the country. Between
the two brothers there had been a very bloody
war, and this Atahuallpa had gone on conquering
the country as far as Cassamarca."

To use Cusco for the name of the reigning
sovereign and that of his predecessor is much
the same thing as if an invading army of bar-
barians, entering England, were to speak of the
deceased and the reigning monarch as old and
young London.

The ignorance, however, of the Spaniards about
Peru was more than equalled by the ignorance of
the Peruvians about the Spaniards, Indeed, the
two great centres of American civilization were
entirely dissociated. Nothing was known in
Mexico of Peru: nothing in Peru of Mexico.
The fall of Mexico had spread dismay far and wide
in Central America, but not a rumour reached the

138 ISOLATION OF PERUVIANS.

golden chambers of the reigning Inca. Yet a
small and narrow strip of territory was all that
intervened to check communication between the
two great empires.

Had ^^ old Cusco/' or ^^ young Cusco," been
aware of the proceedings of the Spaniards either
in Darien or at Mexico, a very different reception
would have awaited them in Peru ; but the con-
quest of America was commenced at a period
when nations had been formed in that continent,
but when international relations had been hardly
at all developed.

CHAPTER IV.

The Royal Family of Peru — Atahuallpa — Pizarro marches
from San Miguel to Cassamarca — Projected interview be-
tween Pizarro and Atahuallpa — Rout of the Peruvians and
capture of the Inca.

^BOUT forty years previous to Pizarro's
landing, Huayna Capac, the reigning
Inca, went out from Cusco northwards
to the province of Quito ; and, conquering it, an-
nexed it to the crown of Peru. By the daughter
of the lord of Quito he had a son called Ata-
huallpa (" Atahuy'' virtue, in the Latin sense of
valour, and '' allpa^'' sweet). It is probable that
in consequence of this conquest, he caused a great
road which was afterwards the wonder of the
Spaniards, to be made from Cusco to Quito, or
rather, to be prolonged to Quito, from some inter-
mediate point between the two cities. If so, this
renowned Inca, both by his conquest and his road-

140 THE ROYAL FAMILY OF PERU,

making, must have greatly facilitated the destruction
of his royal race. Such are the triumphs of men !
This road must have been worked at when Colum-
bus was finding his way from Spain to the West
India Islands, so that, in more ways than one, the
path was being smoothed for the hardy Asturian
or Biscayan, who had seldom seen anything more
valuable than dirty little adulterated bits of silver,
to the golden-plated temples of the Sun. Hap-
pily men move about, for the most part, in a sort
of mist which allows them dimly to apprehend
the present, but which infuses itself between their
dull eyes and the future as completely as if it
were the most impenetrable thing in nature. And
so Huayna Capac, the boasted descendant of the
Sun, heir to so much wisdom, little thought what
mischief to his country he had unwittingly been
the cause of, when, just before his death, he heard
of the advent of a few strange-looking, bearded
men, who had landed at a remote part of his do-
minions, — for, doubtless, he did hear of that
apparition of Pedro de Candia at the palace and
temple of Tumbez. This intelligence, however,
probably filled the Inca w^ith strange fears and
misgivings ; and some expressions of his may be

ATAHUALLPA. 141

the origin of those reports mentioned in the
Spanish historians^ that the Peruvians themselves
had already forecast the fate of their dynasty.
That dynasty was now a kingdom divided against
itself. Huayna Capac was dead, and between his
sons an internecine war was raging when Pizarro
landed, for the second time, at Tumbez.

Atahuallpa, as before said, was the son of
Huayna Capac, by the daughter of the conquered
lord of Quito ; but he was considered illegitimate
— not in our modern and narrow sense of the
word, — but simply that, not having a mother of the
imperial race, he could not succeed to the throne
of the Incas. Huayna Capac had other children
who were legitimate, and of whom Guascar Inca
(so called, as some say, from a golden chain* of
immense size which was used at the dances given
in honour of his birth) was the eldest, and there-
fore of right succeeded to the throne of Cusco.

Atahuallpa is said to have been a favourite of
his father ; he succeeded in gaining the affections
of some of the late Inca's generals ; and, after his
father's death, whether by right, by fraud, or by

* " Huasca" means, in Quichuan, a rope.

142 ATAHUALLPA DEPOSES HIS BROTHER.

force, he established himself upon the throne of
Quito. The story then becomes very tangled,
and is told in different ways. The main facts,
however, are simply these: — that there were two
brothers, both of them despots, dividing an inhe-
ritance, and the usual result in such cases took
place in this. Guascar Inca, no doubt, beheld
with concern the occupation of Quito by his bro-
ther, and regretted the division of a kingdom
which had been ruled over by one supreme Inca.
On the other hand, Atahuallpa doubtless con-
sidered himself as the legitimate sovereign of
Quito, in right of his mother's claims, and would
naturally be unwilling to render homage to Guas-
car Inca. War ensued between the brothers ;
and, while Pizarro was founding the town of San
Miguel, Atahuallpa, by means of his generals^
Quizquiz and Chilicuchima, had invaded Guas-
car's territories, taken Cusco, and made Guascar
himself a prisoner. Quizquiz had exercised the
utmost barbarities upon the royal race of Cusco,
whom, though very numerous, he had nearly suc-
ceeded in exterminating ; and, with Guascar him-
self as prisoner, the victorious general was re-
turning from the South to rejoin his master,

PTZARRO MARCHES TO CASSAMARCA. 143

Atahuallpa, in Cassamarca, at the very time when
the Spaniards were descending from the North,
and making their way to meet Atahuallpa in
that beautiful valley. The dates of this trans-
action are a little dubious, but I assume that
Atahuallpa's troops had already gained this vic-
tory ; and I am strengthened in that assumption
by the fact that Atahuallpa, when first seen by
the Spaniards, wore the tasselled diadem which
belonged to the Incas alone.

But the end of the Incas had arrived. Pizarro,
with whose name Peru is now for ever hereafter
to be connected, left San Miguel on the 24th
of September, 1532, and commenced his march
on Cassamarca; conquering or pacifying the
Indian tribes that came in his way, and ob-
taining what information he could of the move-
ments and designs of Atahuallpa. When the
Spaniards had proceeded about half-way between
San Miguel and Cassamarca, messengers from
Atahuallpa presented themselves before Pizarro.
Their message was friendly. They brought
a present for the Spanish commander and some
provisions for his men. The principal part
of the present was a singular drinking-vessel.

144 ATAHUALLPA AND PIZARRO.

fashioned of some precious stone^ in the form of a
double castle. They said that their master was
awaiting Pizarro at Cassamarca, and they men-
tioned that Atahuallpa's generals had been victor-
ious. Pizarro replied with courtesy, and even
made an offer of his services, to subdue Atahuallpa's
enemies. Journeying on for two days, and resting
each night in buildings that were fortified and sur-
rounded with walls of dried mud, Pizarro arrived
at a river which he forded. It was here that
the Spaniards first learnt the way in which the
Peruvians were numbered by tens and multiples
of ten ; and that five tens of thousands was the
number of which Atahuallpa's army consisted.
Proceeding onwards, Pizarro then came to the
territory of a Curaca, named Cinto. Thence he
despatched the Curaca of San Miguel as his
envoy, to ascertain what were Atahuallpa's in-
tentions, and whether any troops occupied the
mountains between this point and Cassamarca.
Pizarro was now upon one of the great roads be-
tween Cusco and Quito, and therefore each night
he was enabled to rest in some one of the
fortified places, at which the Incas themselves
had been accustomed to stop. But, in the

ATAHUALLPA'S MESSENGERS. 145

course of the next three days, Pizarro diverged
from the main road, leaving it to the right,
and prepared to ascend the mountain road,
which led direct to Cassamarca. Atahuallpa
seems to have been no great general, or to have
had the fullest confidence in his own superiority
of numbers and the pacific intentions of the
Spanish commander, for he left unguarded this
mountain pass, which a few men might have
maintained against an army, the only road being
so precipitous that, as Pizarro's secretary men-
tions, it was like the steps of a staircase.
Arrived at the top of this mountain Pizarro again
encountered messengers from Atahuallpa. Pre-
viously, however, to seeing them, the Spanish
commander had received information from his
own envoy that the ways were clear. This news
was confirmed by the message from Atahuallpa,
which was merely a request to know on what day
Pizarro would arrive, in order that the Inca might
make arrangements for supplying the Spaniards,
in the course of their march, with food at the
stations where they were to halt.

The new envoys from Atahuallpa recounted
the story of the war between the brothers. They

L

146 PIZARRO'S SPEECH.

said that Huayna Capac had left the principality
of Quito to their master ; that Guascar Inca had
been the first to make war upon his brother ; and
they confirmed the important news of Guascar's
capture. Pizarro expressed his satisfaction at
Atahuallpa's success ; and, in a commonplace way,
moralized upon the fate of ambitious men. " It
happens to them," he said, " as it has happened
to Cusco (he meant Guascar Inca) : not only do
they not attain what they wickedly aim at, but
they also lose their own goods and their own
persons." The Spanish commander added this
formidable intimation from himself. He knew,
he said, that Atahuallpa was a puissant monarch,
and a great warrior; but his own master, the
King of Spain, was sovereign of the entire world,
and had a number of servants who were greater
princes than Atahuallpa. His King's generals,
indeed, had conquered kings more powerful than
either Atahuallpa or Cusco, or their former sove-
reign and father. Pizarro then proceeded to
account for his own presence there, saying that
the Emperor had sent him into that country to
bring its inhabitants to the knowledge of God ;
and that, with the few Christians who accom-

PIZARRO'S SPEECH. 147

panied him, he had already vanquished greater
kings than Atahuallpa. The Spanish commander
conchided by putting before the messengers an
alternative. "If," he said, "Atahuallpa wishes
to be my friend, and to receive me as such, in the
way that other princes have done, I will be his
friend. I will aid him in his conquest, and he
shall remain on his throne (i se quedard en su
Estado)^ for I am going to traverse this country
until I reach the other sea. If, on the other hand,
he wishes for war, I will wage it against him, as
I have against the Curaca of Santiago (this was
the name the Spaniards gave to the island of
Puna), the Curaca of Tumbez, and all those who
have chosen to make war upon me; but I shall
not make war with any one, or do harm to any
one who does not bring it upon himself." This
speech, which perhaps may have been a little
dressed up for the eyes of Charles the Fifth and
his Court, was still, I dare say, substantially,
what Pizarro uttered; as his policy certainly was
to create terror. The Indian messengers listened
in silence . afterwards they desired to report these
things to their master; and Pizarro gave them
leave to depart.

148 QUARREL BETWEEN THE ENVOYS.

The next day Pizarro resumed his march, and
in the evening the envoy whom Atahuallpa had
first sent, — a man of importance, the same who
had brought the present of the castellated vase, —
presented himself in the Spanish camp. He, too,
brought flattering assurances from Atahuallpa,
declaring that that prince would treat Pizarro as
a friend and brother. This Peruvian chief said
that he would accompany Pizarro to Cassamarca.

Pizarro resumed his march, and the day after,
Pizarro's own Indian messenger, the Curaca of the
province of San Miguel, returned to the camp.
No sooner did this Indian set eyes upon Atahu-
allpa's envoy, than he fell furiously upon him,
and, if they had not been separated, would have
done him serious injury. Being asked the cause
of his rage, he said that this envoy was a great
rascal, a spy of Atahuallpa's, who came there to
tell lies and to pass himself off for a chief; that
Atahuallpa had a numerous army with him, well-
armed and well-provisioned; that he was pre-
paring for war in the plain of Cassamarca; and
that the town of Cassamarca was abandoned. The
San Miguelite Indian's dignity had been deeply
injured. They would not, he said, allow him to

ANSWER OF THE INCA'S ENVOY, 149

see Atahuallpa; they would not furnish him with
provisions unless he gave something for them in
exchange ; indeed^ he declared^ they would have
killed him, if he had not threatened that Pizarro
would do the like with Atahuallpa's messengers.
One, however, of Atahuallpa's uncles he had
seen, and to him he had given an account of the
bravery of the Spaniards, of their armour, their
horses, their swords, their guns, and their cannon.
To these furious words Atahuallpa's envoy re-
plied, that, if the town of Cassamarca was deserted,
it was in order that the houses might be left vacant
as quarters for the Spaniards; and that Atahu-
allpa was in the field, because such had been his
custom since the commencement of the war. " If,"
he said, "they prevented you from speaking to
Atahuallpa, it is because he is keeping a fast,*
and, while he fasts, he lives in retreat. His
people dare not then speak to him, and nobody

* It is a curious fact that several of the princes of Cassa-
marca, whom the Incas dispossessed, are said to have fasted
to such a degree, upon first coming to the throne, as to have
seriously injured their health. The shortness of their reigns
is thus accounted for.— See Balboa, p. 95; Ternaux-
CoMPANs, vol. iv.

150 PIZARRO RESUMES HIS MARCH,

ventured to let him know that you were there.
If he had known of your arrival, he would have
received you, and would have given you to eat."
In addition to these assurances, Atahuallpa's en-
voy was ready with a great many arguments to
prove his master's good intentions, — so many,
indeed, that Pizarro's secretary, himself a man
delighting in brevity of speech, observes that if
all the discourse between Pizarro and the envoy
had been written down it would make a book.
The result was, that Pizarro pretended to be satis-
fied, and reproved his own envoy for his violence ;
but, in reality, the Spanish commander continued
to entertain the gravest suspicions of Atahuallpa's
good faith.

The following day, Pizarro recommenced his
march, and passed the night on a savannah, where,
according to promise, Atahuallpa's messengers
brought provisions to the camp. On the next
day, Pizarro having divided his army into three
corps, proceeded towards the town of Cassamarca,
with the intention of taking up his quarters there
that night. As he approached the town he could
see Atahuallpa's camp, which lay upon the skirt
of a mountain, at the distance of one league.

HE ENTERS CASSAMARCA. 151

It was on a Friday, the 15th of November,
1532, at the hour of vespers, that Pizarro entered
Cassamarca. Close to the entrance there was a
large square surrounded by walls and houses. I
conjecture this to have been originally a tambo
(i. e. a resting-place for the Inca in his journeys),
for such must often have been the nucleus for
a town. The first thought of Pizarro was to
despatch a messenger to Atahuallpa, to let the
Inca know of his arrival, and to ask him to come
and assign quarters to the Spaniards. Pizarro's
next thought was to examine the town, in order
to see whether there was any stronger position
for his troops to occupy than the great square.
Meanwhile, he ordered that all his men should
remain where they were, and that the horsemen
should not dismount, until they knew whether
Atahuallpa was coming.

The description of Cassamarca is very inter-
esting, and the more so, from its not having
been a town of the first magnitude. Indeed,
Pizarro's secretary says that it contained only
two thousand inhabitants; but most people are
very bad judges of what space the inhabitants of

152 DESCRIPTION OF CASSAMARCA,

another country would occupy. Cassamarca was
built at the foot of a sierra^ upon a flat space
extending for a league. Two rivers traversed
the adjacent valley ; and the town was approached
by two bridges, under which these rivers ran.
The great square, larger than any at that time
in Spain, was connected with the streets by two
gates. In front of this square, and incorporated
with it, in the direction of the plain, was a
fortress, built of stone. Stone stairs led up from
the square to the fortress. On the other side of
this fortress, there was a secret staircase and a
sally-port, connecting the fortress with the open
country.

Above the town, on the hill-side, " where the
houses begin," there was another fortress, con-
structed on a rock, the greater part of it scarped.
This hill-fortress, which was larger than the
other, had a triple enclosure, of more extent than
the great square; and the ascent to it was by
a winding staircase. There was still another
enclosed space between the hill-fortress and the
heights of the sierra, which was surrounded by
buildings where the women-servants attached to
the palace had their residence.

ITS POSITION AND ITS FORTRESS. 153

Outside the town, there was a building sur-
rounded by a court open to the air, but enclosed
by mud walls, and planted with trees. This was
the Temple of the Sun. There were also many
other temples within the town. The houses, w^hich
formed, as I imagine, two sides of the great square,
w^ere very large. The frontage of some of them
occupied no less than two hundred yards, and they
were surrounded by walls about eighteen feet high.
The walls were of good and solid masonry. The
roofs of the buildings were formed of straw and
wood. The interior of these houses was divided
into several blocks of building, each of these
blocks consisting of a suite of eight apartments,
and having a separate entrance. In the court-
yards were reservoirs of water, brought from
some distance in tubes. The town was com-
manded by the fortress on the hill, and com-
pressed, as it were, between that fortress and
the great square, where the government buildings
probably were. This square, again, with its
smaller fortress, commanded the open country.
Cassamarca was, therefore, a very strong and
well-arranged place for the warfare of that day.
It was a remark made by the first conquerors

154 EMBASSAGE TO

of Peru, that the inhabitants of the higher country-
were always much more civilized than the natives
of the plains, so that Cassamarca was probably a
favourable specimen of a Peruvian town.*

Pizarro, having surveyed the town, and being
convinced that there was no better position for
his troops than the great square, returned to them
there. Then, seeing that it was growing late, he
despatched Fernando de Soto with twenty horse-
men to Atahuallpa's camp, to urge that prince to
hasten his visit. Fernando de Soto was to avoid
any conflict with the Indians, but was to make an
effort to penetrate to the Inca's presence, and to

* It is much to be regretted that the conquerors were
not good draughtsmen : how many words it takes to give a
most inadequate description of what a few strokes of the
pencil might easily and accurately have conveyed.

It is curious to notice how soon familiarity with a new
country takes away the power of describing it. We may
look in vain for a better account of any Peruvian town
than this given by Xerez ; and the first description of
Mexican houses given by the conquerors, in the letter of
the town- council of Vera Cruz to the Emperor Charles the
Fifth has a freshness and distinctness in it scarcely to
be found in any subsequent notices of the buildings in
Kew Spain.

ATAHUALLPAS CAMP. 155

return with some answer. Meanwhile, Pizarro
mounted the fortress, to reconnoitre what could
be seen of the Indian encampment. While there,
his brother Fernando, having just heard of the
embassage to the camp, came to Pizarro and sug-
gested to him, that, as they had only seventy
horsemen, it was hardly prudent to send so many
as he had done with Fernando de Soto. This
was true ; for twenty were not enough to defend
themselves, and yet too many for the Spanish com-
mander to run any risk of losing. Pizarro listened
to his brother's advice, and ordered him to go with
another twenty upon the same errand, in order to
support the others.

When Fernando Pizarro reached the Indian
camp, he found that De Soto had already obtained
an audience. Atahuallpa was at the entrance of
his tent, sitting on a small seat, surrounded by a
number of his chiefs and women, who stood in his
presence. He had on his head the remarkable
head-dress* appropriated to the Incas — ^^a tassel

* Many authors have endeavoured to describe the
remarkable head-dress of the Incas, but, of all the de-
scriptions that have been given, that of Oviedo's seems
to be the most precise. He says that, in place of a

156 ATAHUALLPA'S HEAD-DBESS,

of wool, which looked like silk, of a deep crimson
colour, two hands in breadth, set on the head with

crown, the Inca wore a red tassel, of a colour as brilliant as
the most beautiful crimson, made of wool as fine as the
choicest silk. " This tassel (JorZa)," he adds, " is as broad
as a hand, or more, and a span long, and at the top it is
gathered up in the shape of the flat brush which is used for
scrubbing cloth ; and below is a broad fringe, which hangs
from the head to the eyes, upon the forehead, and this drags
it (the horld) down, and keeps it in its place, and so it (the
fringe) covers the eye -brows and part of the upper eye-
lids, in such a way, that in order that the inca may be able
to see at his pleasure, he has to raise the fringe (lit. the
beard), or to put aside the tassel." — " Y esta horla es tan
ancha 6 mas que una mano^ e luenga como un xeme^ e arriha
resumida como talle de escohilla de limpiar ropa^ e lo de abaxo
ancho aquelflueco que pende de la cabega hasta los ojos engima
de la frente^ e la trae contmuamente puesta, e assi cuhre las
cejas e parte de los pdrpados altos; de forma que para poder
ver el Ynga a su plager^ ha de algar la barba 6 apartar la
borla^''

Las Casas makes the boi^la descend lower still : — " Le
colgava sobre la frente hasta casi la nariz, la qual hechava
el k un lado quando queria ver." — Las Casas, Hist. Apolo-
getica, MS., cap. 253.

It is worthy of notice, that there is some resemblance
between the borla of the Incas and the common head-dress
of the valiant Araucans, a circumstance which may indicate
the origin of the Peruvian Incas.

" Los Araucanos no usan turbantes ni sombreros, pero

INTERVIEW WITH HIM. 157

descending fringes which brought it down to the
eyes."* This head-dress, as Xerez remarks, made
the Inca look more grave than he really was. He
kept his eyes fixed on the ground, without moving
them. Fernando de Soto, by means of an in-
terpreter, conveyed Pizarro's message. The Inca
made no reply. He did not even lift up his head
to look at the Spaniard : but one of the principal
men of the Court spoke for him. Fortunately
for the sake of history, Fernando Pizarro arrived
at this moment ; and Atahuallpa, being informed
that this was the Spanish commander's brother,
and receiving the same message from him, deigned
to lift up his eyes and to make some reply him-
self. He said that May9abilica, a curaca of his.

llevan en la cabeza una faxa de lana bordada, a manera del
diadema que usaban los antiguos Soberanos. Esta se la
levantan 6 alzan un poco, en senal de cortesia, al tiempo de
saludar, y quando van a la guerra la adorn an de varias
vistosas plumas." — Molina, Compendio de la Historia Civil
del Bey no de Chile ^ lib. ii. cap. 1.

* " Tenia en la frente una Borla de Lana, que parecia
Seda, de color de Carmesi, de anchor de dos manos, asida
de la cabega con sus Cordones, que le bajaban hasta los
ojos."— F. DE Xerez. Barcia, Historiadores, torn. iii.
p. 196.

158 SPEECHES OF ATAHUALLPA

on the banks of the river Turlcara (this was near
the town of San Miguel), had Informed him how
the Spaniards had maltreated his curacas, and had
put them in chains. May9abilica, he added, had
sent him an iron collar. The same chieftain had,
moreover, told him that the Spaniards were no
great warriors, and that he had killed three of
them and a horse. Notwithstanding, however, the
injuries complained of, he, Atahuallpa, would go
with pleasure to-morrow morning to see the
Spanish commander, and would be a friend to the
Spaniards.

Fernando Pizarro replied with all the haughti-
ness that was to be expected from a Spaniard on
being told that his countrymen were not warriors.
" I told him," he says, " that the people of San
Miguel were as women (hens, there Is a report,
was the word that Fernando used),* that one
horse was sufficient to subdue the whole country,
and that when he should see us fight, he would
learn what sort of people we were, — that the
governor had much regard for him, and that, if

* " Siendo todos ellos unas gallinas." — F. de Xerez.
Barcia, Historiadores, torn. iii. p. 196.

AND FERNANDO PIZABRO. 159

he had any enemy whom he would point out to
the governor, he would send to conquer that ene-
my." To this the Inca replied, that our days'
journey from this place there were some very
stubborn Indians whom he could make no way
with, and that the Christians might go there to
help his people. '^ I told him," such are the words
of Fernando, " that the governor would send ten
horsemen, who would suffice for the whole coun-
try, — that his Indians were only necessary to
hunt out the fugitives. Upon this, Atahuallpa
smiled, as a man who did not so much esteem us."

As the sun had now gone down, Fernando
Pizarro expressed some impatience for an answer
to be given to the governor's message. The
monarch replied, as before, that Fernando should
inform his brother that Atahuallpa would come
next day, in the morning, to see him, and that
Pizarro should lodge his men in three large halls
{tres salones grandes)^ which there were in the
great square of Cassamarca, the middle one being
reserved for the general himself.

Meanwhile, as it had begun to rain and hail,
Pizarro had already appointed quarters for his
men in the apartments of the palace, but had

160 THE INCA APPROACHES CASSAMARCA.

placed the captain of artillery and his two guns
in the fortress. Previously to this, a messenger
had come from Atahuallpa, bearing an answer in
reply to Pizarro's first message, to the effect that
the Spanish commander might have his quarters
where he pleased, except in the fortress.

Fernando Pizarro returned to his brother that
evening, and gave an account of his embassy. All
that night the Spaniards kept good watch, and
early on the next morning (Saturday) messengers
came from the Inca, to say that he would come
in the evening. Among these messengers was
that envoy of Atahuallpa's who had before had so
much conversation with Pizarro ; and he told him
that his lord said, that, since the Spaniards had
come armed to his camp, he should choose to
come with arms too. Pizarro replied that Ata-
huallpa might come as he pleased.

On the return of these messengers, about mid-
day, Atahuallpa broke up his camp, and moved
to within half a quarter of a league of Cassamarca.
He then sent another message to Pizarro, saying
that he would come without arms, but with a
number of people Avho would form his suite, as he
was going to take up his quarters in the town;

PIZARRO PREPARES TO RECEIVE HIM. 161

and he indicated where those quarters would be,
namely, " in the House of the Serpent," so called
because in the interior of the house there was an
image of a serpent in stone. Either on this
occasion, or on that of the former embassage,
Atahuallpa had made a request that one of the
Spaniards should be sent to accompany him.
According to Xerez this was refused ; according
to Fernando Pizarro, it was acceded to.

Pizarro now made his final preparations to re-
ceive Atahuallpa. He kept the cavalry in the
quarters that had been appointed for them, — the
horses being saddled and bridled, and the soldiers
ready to mount at a moment's notice. The in-
fantry he posted in those streets which, as before
described, led into the great square. The artillery
was in the fortress ; and Pizarro ordered the cap-
tain of the artillery to bring his pieces to bear
upon the Peruvian army, now in their tents under
the town. Pizarro himself remained in his own
lodgings. He kept twenty men with him, who
were to help him to seize upon Atahuallpa, ^^ if
the Inca came with treacherous intent, as it ap-
peared he was coming with such a large body of
men." Fernando Pizarro makes a similar remark

M

162 PIZARRO ENCOURAGES HIS MEN,

with regard to the cavalry, for he says, " they
were to be ready until it was seen what were
Atahuallpa's intentions."

Evening, always the best friend of the Indians
in their encounters with the Spaniards, was now
coming on. In the great square of Cassamarca a
single sentinel paced up and down; and, as he
could see what was going on in the enemy's camp,
gave notice from time to time of their movements.
Pizarro visited his posts, and addressed encourag-
ing words to his men. They would rather have
fought in the open fields, if fighting there was to
be; and it was well to prevent this feeling from
growing into anything like discouragement. Pi-
zarro told his soldiers to make fortresses of their
hearts, since there were no others for them, nor
other succour but that of God, who protects in
the greatest dangers those who are engaged in His
service. '^ Although there may be five hundred
Indians to one Christian," said Pizarro, " show
that courage which brave men are wont to dis-
play on such occasions, and expect that God will
fight for you. At the moment of attack, throw
yourselves upon the enemy with force and swift-
ness ; and let the cavalry charge in such a manner

THE INCA'S BETINUE. 163

that the horses do not jostle against each
other."

That the evening was coming on was a circum-
stance which Pizarro did not at all like. Ac-
cordingly he sent a messenger to hasten the Inca's
arrival, on the pretext that he was waiting for
him to sit down to supper, and that he could not
do so until the Inca should arrive. Atahuallpa,
on receiving this message, prepared to enter the
town. He came accompanied by five or six
thousand men — " unarmed men," Fernando Pi-
zarro says, — that is, without their lances ; but
beneath their cotton doublets they carried small
clubs, slings, and bags of stones.

While the Peruvians were moving into the
town — and the movement of an Inca was a slow
and pompous affair, — what were the thoughts of
the leaders on both sides, and what had been their
intentions throughout? Probably we shall not
err much in concluding that neither Pizarro nor
Atahuallpa had made up their minds definitively
as to what course they should take; and that a
very slight circumstance might have changed the
proceedings of this memorable evening. How
often must the audacious capture of Montezuma

164 DESIGNS OF PIZAREO.

by Cortes have been talked over at their watch-
jBres by Spanish captains and Spanish soldiers!
It is^ therefore, not surprising that Pizarro should
have made preparations for enacting a similar feat,
if it should seem necessary. He had told his
band of foot-soldiers that they were to endeavour
to seize the Inca alive ; but at the same time he
had ordered that his men should not quit their
posts, even if they should see the enemy enter
into the great square, until they had heard the
discharge of artillery. Fernando Pizarro men-
tions that some of the messengers who had come
in the course of the day had told the Indian
women attached to the Spaniards that they had
better fly, as the Inca was coming in the evening
to destroy the Christians. This story may be
doubted ; but the numbers that accompanied Ata-
huallpa, and the general movement of the camp
to a spot much nearer the town, were evident
facts of a threatening character. Still, I imagine
that Pizarro was really anxious to penetrate the
Inca's intentions, and, if he had been quite sure of
their being pacific, would have been contented to
wait the course of events.

As for Atahuallpa's designs, they were, I con-

DESIGNS OF ATAHUALLPA. 165

ceive, still less definitively formed. He may well
have imagined that this small band of men might
aid him greatly in completing and securing his
conquests, while their numbers would be too few
to be dangerous to his dominion. Still, he may
have had a very wise apprehension of what even
a few men, aided by these strange animals (horses
and dogs), and with these wonderful weapons, of
which he had heard something, might be able to
effect. Pizarro's secretary thinks that the clubs
and the slings were proofs of hostile intention.
The braver Fernando Pizarro considered that
they were no arms. The Inca himself probably
thought that in the arming of his retinue he had
chosen the happy medium: his attendants were
not defenceless, but they did not come as the men
of war whom he had left in the plain below. As
for the number that accompanied him, he was,
doubtless, accustomed to be surrounded by large
numbers, and might have thought that his nu-
merous and grand retinue would impress upon
the minds of these strangers a just sense of the
power and dignity of the Monarch of Peru.

Whatever were the thoughts or the intentions
of either party, the time had now arrived for ex-

166 ATAHUALLPA'S ENTRANCE

pressing them in action. Atahuallpa's retinue
passed over the bridges, and began to ascend into
the great square. The mode of their procession
seems to show that the Indians had no expecta-
tion of an immediate attack, or they would hardly
have suffered their prince to come so prominently
forward. There was, however, an advance-guard,
not, as it would appear, in great force, and not
better armed than with the clubs and slings be-
fore mentioned. These entered the great square
first. As the advance-guard began to enter, a
troop of three hundred Indians, clothed in a sort
of chequered livery, made clean the way before
the litter of Atahuallpa, After them came three
corps of dancers and singers, then a number of
Peruvians in golden armour, wearing crowns of
gold and silver, in the midst of whom was borne
along the Inca himself, in a litter adorned with
parroquets' plumes of all colours, and plated with
silver and gold. A number of chiefs carried this
litter on their shoulders. There were two other
litters, and two hammocks, which no doubt con-
tained persons of the highest rank and dignity.
After these came several columns of men, about
whose arms or armour nothing is said ; but it is

INTO CASSAMAECA. 167

mentioned that they also wore crowns of gold and
silver. As each body of men advanced, they de-
ployed to the right or the left ; and Atahuallpa's
litter was borne on towards the centre of the great
square. He then ordered a halt to be made, and
that his litter and the others should be continued
to be held up.

An incident happened now which is worth
noting, as it shows how differently the same thing
may affect different people, according to the mode
in which they may be disposed to look at it.
Pizarro's secretary says, ^^ The Indians kept en-
tering the square : an Indian chief of the advance
guard then mounted the fortress where the artil-
lery was, and raised a lance twice, as if to give a
signal." Fernando Pizarro, at the same period
of the narrative, says, " Twelve or fifteen Indians
mounted a little fortress which is there, and took
possession of it, as it were, with a flag attached to
a lance." This slight action admits, as every one
must see, of being rendered in two very different
ways: either it was a traitorous signal to the
army below, or a point of ceremony. I hold,
with Fernando Pizarro, to the latter rendering.

At this point of time, Pizarro asked Vicente de

168 VALVEBDE'S ADDRESS

Valverde, the priest of the expedition, whether
he would go and speak to Atahuallpa with an in-
terpreter. Father Vicente consented, and ad-
vanced towards the Inca, bearing a cross in one
hand, and holding a breviary in the other. As
the priest approached, Atahuallpa naturally in-
quired of those Indians who had already seen
something of the Spaniards, having journeyed with
them, and provided for the necessities of the army,
of what condition and quality this man was. One
of them replied, that this was " the captain and
guide of talk ; " he meant to say, preacher — " the
minister of the supreme God, Pachacamac, and his
messenger : " the rest, he said, ^^ are not as he is."

Meanwhile, father Vicente had advanced close
to the litter of Atahuallpa, and, having made his
obeisance, addressed the Inca in a discourse, which
was divided into two parts, and was intended to
be a brief summary of the whole theology of that
time.

First came the doctrine of the Trinity, three in
one ; then a history of Jesus Christ, how He died
on a cross like unto that which he, the father,
bore in his hands ; — how He rose from the dead,
and ascended into heaven, leaving His apostles and

TO THE INCA. 169

their successors to bring men to a knowledge of
Him and His law; then he declared how the
Roman Pontiffs were the successors of St. Peter^
and have the same supreme spiritual authority.

He then proceeded to the temporal part of his
oration ; and explained how the Pope, In order to
bring these nations back to the true knowledge of
God, had granted the conquest of these parts to
Charles the Fifth of Spain, who had sent his
captains; and they had brought to the true reli-
gion the great Islands and the country of Mexico :
an alliance of perpetual friendship was therefore to
be made between His Majesty and His Highness
of Peru. He then explained what this alliance
meant. It was that Atahuallpa should pay tri-
bute, renounce the administration of his kingdom,
obey the Pope, believe In Jesus Christ, and give
up Idolatry. ^^ If, with an obstinate mind, you
endeavour to resist," said father Vicente In con-
clusion, '^ you may take It for very certain that
God win permit that, as, anciently, Pharaoh and
all his army perished In the Red Sea, so you and
all your Indians will be destroyed by our arms."

This last sentence Is a triumph of pedantry;
the fulfilment of the prophecy, however, was near

170 ATAHUALLPA'S REPLY TO

at hand ; and father Vicente can hardly be ac-
quitted of having had some share in accelerating
it. There is one feature of this remarkable scene
that deserves mention, and it is that the inter-
preter was Felipillo, a native of the island of
Puna, or of the adjacent country. It need not be
asked what his Spanish was ; indeed, his Cuscan,
if he attempted it, must have been almost equally
deplorable.

Atahuallpa had no sooner heard the priest's
discourse than, according to Garcilaso de la Vega,
he gave a groan, and uttered the word ^^ Atac,"
(alas !) ; but, stifling his passion, he commenced an
oration in reply to that of Vicente. He drew a
contrast between the messages of peace and bro-
therhood which had previously been sent him,
and the present menaces of fire and sword. He
could not understand the mutual relation of the
Pope and Charles the Fifth, — how Charles needed
the authority of the Pope ; and then he went into
the question of tribute ; if he had to pay tribute
to any one, it was to one of those illustrious per-
sonages who had preceded the mention of Charles
the Fifth, the Pope, or one of those composing the
Trinity ; " but if," he said, " I owe nothing to

VALVEBDE'S ADDRESS. 171

these others^ I owe less to Charles, who never
was lord of these countries nor has seen them."
He Is made to conclude by saying that the
Spaniards had more gods than the Peruvians,
who only adored Pachacamac, as supreme Godj
and the Sun as his subordinate, and the Moon as
the sister of the Sun.

There is one thing, however, which the Inca
undoubtedly did. He asked for the book which
father Vicente carried in his hand, and to which
he had referred as bearing testimony to his won-
derful assertions. The book was clasped. Ata-
huallpa took it in his hands, but could not open
it. Father Vicente advanced to do so for him;
but the Inca, doubtless considering this a sign of
disrespect, struck him on the arm, and then,
forcing the book open, turned over some of the
leaves; after which he threw it five or six feet
from him.

He then said he well knew what the Spaniards
had done on their route, how they had maltreated
his curacas and pillaged houses. Father Vicente
offered excuses, saying that the Christians had
not done these things, but that some Indians,
without Pizarro's knowledge, were the persons in

172 THE ALARM GIVEN.

fault ; and that the Spanish Commander had or-
dered restitution. To this the Inca replied, " I
will not go hence, until you have given me all
that you have taken from my land." He rose
up in his litter, and spoke to his people, and
there was a murmur amongst them, as if they
were calling for their armed companions.

Father Vicente returned to the Governor and
told him what had passed, that the Inca had
thrown the book upon the ground, and that the
posture of affairs admitted of no more delay,* by
which, I suppose, he meant that negotiation was
at an end, and that arms must now decide the
question. Then Pizarro put on his cuirass, took
his sword and his buckler, and sent to inform his
brother. It had been concerted between them,
that Fernando was to give the signal to the cap-
tain of artillery, and he did so now. Tlie cannon
were discharged, the trumpets sounded, the cavalry
rushed out of their quarters, and Pizarro himself,
followed but by four men, who alone of all the

* This is upon Fernando Pizarro's testimony, and the
words which he attributed to the priest are, *' Que ya no
estaba la cosa en tiempo de esperar mas ! " — See Fer-
nando's Letter to the Audiencia, in Quiktana.

PIZARRO SEIZES THE INC A. 173

twenty could hold their way with him, rushed
straight to the litter of the Inca, whom he seized
by the left hand, uttering at the same time the
war-cry of Santiago, a name well known now in
many a bloody battle-field in the New World.
The Inca's litter being still held up aloft, Pizarro
could not get at him to drag him out of it, until
the Spaniards had killed a sufficient number of the
bearers, when it fell, and Pizarro, in the melee
round the fallen Prince, was slightly wounded in
the hand. At last the person of the Inca was
secured, but in a woful plight, such as, perhaps,
no rebel's dream had ever dared to depict for the
person of his god-descended sovereign. The
guards and the curacas did not desert their
master, but were slaughtered in heaps around
him. The rest of the Peruvians fled like sheep,
and by their weight breaking down the wall of
the enclosure (which that day, as the saying went
hereafter, was kinder to them than the Spaniards),
fled into the open country towards their camp.
The Indians there, however, made no better
stand than their flying comrades, and unresisted
slaughter was the order of the day.

Pizarro's little wound was the only injury

174 PIZAERO CONSOLES THE INCA.

received by any Spaniard, but two thousand
dead bodies of Indians remained in the square
that night.

The Inca, whose clothes in the struggle had
been pulled to pieces, was reclothed, and ^^ con-
soled" by Pizarro (a strange comforter!), who
told him not to be ashamed of being conquered
by one who had done great things, and to con-
gratulate himself on having fallen into such
merciful hands. " If we have seized upon you
and killed your people," said Pizarro, ^^ it is
because you came with a numerous army; it is
because you have thrown on the ground the book
which contains the word of God ; so the Lord has
permitted that your pride should be humbled,
and that no Indian should have been able to
wound a Christian."

Atahuallpa is said to have made a reply, in
which, after the fashion of despots, he laid the
blame upon his inferior officers, saying that
May^abilica had misrepresented the Spaniards'
prowess, and that he, the Inca, wished to come
peaceably, but that his chiefs would not allow
him to do so.

It is not likely, however, that much discourse

THE RECALL SOUNDED. 175

passed between Pizarro and his captive that
evening. As it was now late, Pizarro ordered
the recall to be sounded ; and soon afterwards
the Spaniards returned, having with them no less
than three thousand prisoners. Pizarro asked if
any Spaniards were wounded, and was informed
that one horse only had received a slight injury.
Upon this, he gave thanks to God, and after
saying that the great action of this day, which he
counted as a miracle, was to be attributed to His
grace and favour, he ordered the troops to rest in
their quarters, bidding them, however, keep a
good watch, ^^ for," said he, " although God has
given us the victory, we must not cease to be
upon our guard."

They then went to supper. Pizarro and Ata-
huallpa sat at the same table. Afterwards the
Inca retired to his couch, placed in the chamber
of his conqueror, where he remained unbound,
being watched over only by the usual guard
that attended the Governor. What a contrast
to the obsequious multitude that had been wont
to throng the precincts of the Inca's dwelling !
and with what feelings must the conquered
monarch have looked round him at the break of

176 ATAHUALLPA'S POSITION.

dawn, in the first few moments after waking
— that point of time when all great calamities
are most keenly apprehended, — and when, if he
had slept at all, he discerned that his defeat was
not a hideous dream, but that he lay there a
captive to these few bearded men who surrounded
him, and that the vast apparatus of attendance
that he was accustomed to was wanting ! Pizarro,
however, had not been unmindful of aught that
might soothe his captive's sufferings ; and, on the
preceding evening, had offered to Atahuallpa the
services of those female attendants of his who had
already been captured : it may be hoped the
monarch found amongst them those, or at least
the one much-loved, who could console (rare art
in man or woman !) without reproaching.

The position of Atahuallpa was almost unique.
It is not merely that he was at the same time a
conqueror and a captive. That conjuncture of
circumstances had happened several times before
in the world's history; but then the conqueror
had usually been made captive by some detach-
ment, or at least by some ally, of the other side ;
whereas, Atahuallpa, victorious on his own
ground, suddenly found himself a slave to some

HIS RESIGNATION, 177

power, which, so far as its connexion with Peru-
vian affairs was concerned, might have descended
from the clouds. His previous success must have
deepened the dismay he felt at his present re-
verse, and have added greatly to the height of
hope from which he had suddenly and precipi-
tately fallen.

Whatever may have been the poignancy of
the Inca's feelings, his dignity forbade any expres-
sion of it. He spoke with resignation, and even
with cheerfulness, of his defeat. He said it was
the way of war, to conquer and to be conquered ;
and, with a wise stoicism, he sought to comfort
those chiefs and favourites who were admitted to
see him, and whose lamentations, not restrained
by regal dignity, were loud and fervid.

The historian may well imitate the reserve
of the principal sufferer, and forbear to moralize
more than he did upon an unparalleled instance
of the mutability of fortune, which was no less
rapid than complete — as rapid, indeed, as the
skilful shifting of a scene. The battle, if battle
it can be called, in which perhaps hardly any
weapons were crossed, except by accident, lasted
little more than half an hour, for the sun had

N

178 IMPORTANCE OF THE HOUSE

already set when the action commenced. It was
rightly said that the shades of night would prove
the best defence for the Indians. The Spaniards
remarked that the horses, which the evening
before had scarcely been able to move on account
of the cold which they had suffered in their
journey over the mountains, galloped about on
this day as if they had nothing the matter with
them. All that the fiercest beasts of the forest
have done is absolutely inappreciable, when com-
pared with the evil of which that good-natured
animal, the horse, has been the eflScient instru-
ment, since he was first tamed to the use of man.
Atahuallpa afterwards mentioned that he had
been told how the horses were unsaddled at night,
which was another reason for his entertaining
less fear of the Spaniards, and listening more to
the mistaken notions of May9abilica.

Saddled or not saddled, however, in the wars
between the Spaniards and the Indians, the horse
did not play a subordinate part ; the horse n ade
the essential difference between the armies; and
if, in the great square of Madrid, there had been
raised some huge emblem in stone to commemo-
rate the Spanish Conquest of the New World, an

IN THE CONQUEST, 179

equine, not an equestrian, figure would appro-
priately have crowned the work. The arms and
the armour might have remained the same on both
sides. The ineffectual clubs and darts and lances
might still have been arrayed against the sharp
Biscayan sword and deadly arquebuss ; the cotton
doublet of Cusco against the steel corslet of
Milan ; but, without the horse, the victory would
ultimately have been on the side of overpowering
numbers. The Spaniards might have hewn into
the Peruvian squadrons, making clear lanes of
prostrate bodies. Those squadrons would have
closed together again, and by mere weight would
have compressed to death the little band of heroic
Spaniards. In truth, had the horse been created
in America, the conquest of the New World
would not improbably have been reserved for that
peculiar epoch of development in the European
mind, when, as at present, mechanical power has
in some degree superseded the horse; and it is
a real superseding, for the new power is natu-
rally measured by the units contained in it of the
animal force which it represents and displaces.

CHAPTER V.

Agreement for AtahuallpcLS JRansom — Fernando Pizarro's
Journey to the Temple of Pachacamdc — Messengers sent to
Cusco — Arrival of Almagro at the Camp of Cassamarca,

ARLY the next morning after the cap-
ture of Atahuallpa, the Governor (from
henceforth we may well call Pizarro the
Governor, and on his furrowed forehead might
have been placed the potent diadem of the Incas)
sent out thirty horsemen to scour the plain, and to
ransack the Inca's camp. At mid-day they re-
turned, bringing with them ornaments and utensils
of gold and silver, emeralds, men, women, and
provisions. The gold in that excursion produced,
when melted, about eighty thousand pesos.

There was one thing which the Spaniards
noticed in this foray, and reported to Pizarro.
They found several Indians lying dead in the

PIZARRO'S TREATMENT OF NATIVES, 181

camp, who had not been killed by Spaniards
(they knew their own marks) ; and^ when Pizarro
asked for an explanation of this circumstance
from the Inca, he replied, that he had ordered
these men to be put to death, because they had
shrunk back from the Spanish captain's horse.
This Spanish captain was Fernando de Soto,
who, in his interview on the preceding day, had
indulged in sundry curvettings, to impress upon
the Peruvians a just appreciation of the prowess
of the horse. Such little traits — and there are
several of them in Atahuallpa's (Sweet Valour's)
conduct — tend to diminish the sympathy which
we might otherwise have had for him. In truth,
in this melancholy story it is difficult to find
anybody whom the reader can sympathize much
with. Fernando Pizarro is said to have behaved
well to the natives, and at this period of the con-
quest he always makes a creditable appearance ;
but, to any one who knows what direful mis-
chiefs he will hereafter give rise to, his name
suggests the ideas of discord and confusion.

On the present occasion, the Governor showed
some consideration and mercy. Many of his men
wished him to kill the fighting men among their

182 FIZ ARROWS DISCOURSE

prisoners, but he would not consent to this. They
had come, he said, to conquer these savages, and
to instruct them in the Catholic faith; and it
would not be fitting to imitate these cruel people
in their cruelties. Those Peruvians, therefore,
whom the Spaniards did not choose for slaves
were set at liberty.

Pizarro renewed with Atahuallpa the preaching
of the previous evening. His discourse was pro-
bably more intelligible than that of the priest,
Vicente de Valverde, of whom the earliest tra-
veller (not a Spaniard) in those parts slily observes,
when describing the interview between the priest
and the Inca, that Valverde must have supposed
Atahuallpa to have suddenly come out as some great
theologian.* Pizarro, besides explaining matters
of faith, instructed the Inca in political aifairs,
informing him how all the lands of Peru and the
" rest (of the New World) belonged to the Em-
peror, Charles the Fifth, whom Atahuallpa must
henceforth recognize as his superior lord." The

* " Ratus fortasse Attabalibam repente in magnum ali-
quem theologum evasisse." — Benzoni, Hist. Nov. Orbts,
lib. iii. cap. iii. p. 280.

TO ATAHUALLPA. 183

dispirited Inca replied that he was content to do
so ; and, seeing that the Christians collected gold,
he said that what they had hitherto got was little,
but that for his ransom he would fill the room
where they then were, up to a certain white line
which he marked upon the wall^ and which was
about half as high again as a man's height, between
eight and nine feet. This ransom was to be paid
in about two months.

Pizarro did not fail to make many inquiries of
Atahuallpa about the state of his dominions, and
the war between his brother and himself. The
Inca told him that his generals were occupying
the great town of Cusco, and that Guascar Inca
was being brought to him as a prisoner. It was
an oversight in Pizarro, and one which Cortez,
Vasco Nunez, or Charles the Fifth would never
have committed, that the Spanish Governor did
not send at once to secure the person of the de-
posed Inca.* It must not be supposed, however,
that the Spanish commander remained idle after

* If, however, Xerez is accurate, Guascar must have
been put to death very soon after Atahuallpa's capture, and
Pizarro at once informed of the fact.

184 CONTINUED LABOURS OF PIZARRO.

his capture of Atahuallpa. He founded a church;
he raised and strengthened the fortifications of
Cassamarca : and he endeavoured to ascertain
what were the movements and intentions of the
Peruvians. Still, it was not to secure the person
of Guascar Inca — and we must therefore conclude
his fate to have been settled before then, — but to
make sure of the promised gold (which metal
soon was to become so plentiful that the Spaniards
would shoe their horses with it), that the Governor
determined to send his brother Fernando, after
two months had passed, to collect the remainder
of the ransom, and also to observe the Peruvian
armies which were said to be approaching Cassa-
marca. Before this, the Governor had sent to
his town of San Miguel, to inform them there of
his successes ; and on the 20th of December, he
received a letter from that town telling him of the
arrival, at a port called Concibi, near Coaque,
of six vessels, containing a hundred and sixty
Spaniards and eighty-four horses. The three
largest of these vessels, with a hundred and
twenty men, were armed and commanded by
Pizarro's partner, Diego de Almagro; and the
other three were caravels with thirty volunteers

MESSENGERS TO ATAHUALLPA. 185

from Nicaragua. The Governor wrote to wel-
come Almagro, and to beg him to come on to
Cassamarca.

Meanwhile, continually, messengers and men of
great authority kept arriving to see their master
Atahuallpa. Amongst others came the chief of
the town of Pachacamac, and the guardian of the
great temple there. The latter was put in chains
by Atahuallpa, who, according to the Spaniards,
seems to have become quite a recreant from his
own religion, for he is made to say that he did
this because the guardian of the temple had
advised him to make war upon the Christians,
and had declared that the idol had said to him
that the Inca would kill them all. ^^ I wish to
see," the Inca is reported to say, " if he, whom
you call your God, will take this chain off you,"
What is more certain is, that Atahuallpa, who
was a man of much intelligence, made rapid pro-
gress in learning how to play chess and games
with dice, — a part of the mission of the Spaniards
which was sure to find a ready acceptance from
the Indians.

It was on the day of the Epiphany, 1533, that
Fernando Pizarro set off from Cassamarca with

186 FERNANDO' S JOURNEY.

twenty horsemen and some arquebusiers. There
is a minute account of his journey written by the
King's Veedor, who accompanied him ; and Fer-
nando himself has also given a short account of it.
Everywhere they found signs of riches and of
civilization. On his route Fernando obtained
leave from the Governor to go to the city of Pa-
chacamac, where was a great temple ; in reaching
which he had to journey along the great roads.
" The road of the Sierras/' he observes, ^^ is a
thing to see, for, in truth, in a land so rugged,
there have not been seen in Christendom such
beautiful ways, the greater part being causeway."

On Sunday, the 30th of January, after tra-
versing for some miles a country abounding in
groves and populous villages, Fernando Pizarro
reached Pachacamac, where he was well received
by the inhabitants. He there entered the temple,
which he found to be very dark and dirty. The
presence of a Pizarro in the inmost recesses of
that sacred fane was of itself the sternest blow to
all that was idolatrous in the ancient religion of
Peru.

While Fernando Pizarro was at Pachacamac,
he heard that Atahuallpa's principal captain was

HIS RETURN WITH CHILICUCHIMA, 187

at a town twenty leagues distant, called Xauxa.
The name of this chief was Chilicuchima. Fer-
nando put himself into communication with the
Peruvian general, and, after much hesitation on
his part, succeeded in persuading him to return-
with him to Cassamarca, which they reached on the
25th of March, 1533. Fernando Pizarro brought
back with him twenty-seven loads {cargas) of gold
and two thousand marks of silver.

The manner of Chilicuchima's approach to the
presence of his sovereign excited the general
remark of the Spaniards. As the Indian chief
entered the town, he took from one of the Indians
of his suite a moderate-sized burden, which he
placed upon his shoulders. The rest of the chiefs
did the same; and, laden in this singular man-
ner, they entered the presence of their sovereign.
When there, Chilicuchima raised his hands to the
sun, and returned thanks to it for having been
permitted to see the Inca again. Approaching
his sovereign with much tenderness and with
tears, he kissed his face, his hands, and his feet.
The other chiefs did the same. But Atahuallpa,
much as he regarded his great captain — and there
was no one, w^e are told, whom he loved more, —

188 MESSENGERS SENT TO CUSCO.

did not deign to take any more notice of him than
of the meanest Indian in the room. Such was the
abject adoration which was paid by the Peruvians
to their Incas.

Fernando Pizarro's mission was not the only
one which the governor had sent out from Cassa-
marca. He had also, at Atahuallpa's request, it
is said, despatched three messengers to Cusco to
receive the promised treasure and to bring him a
report of the country.* These three men were,
I believe, common soldiers, or very little above
that rank, and their names were Pedro Moguer,
Francisco de Zarate, and Martin Bueno. Borne
along in hammocks on the shoulders of subser-
vient Indians, regaled and reverenced almost as
deities, these three uncultured men reached the
grand city of Cusco, where they behaved with the
greatest Insolence, avarice, and incontinence. It
was a terrible humiliation for that ancient and
royal city to endure; and the devout Peruvians
might well have wondered that the sun could bear
to look down upon the indignities committed In
his sacred city by these rude strangers. Having

* Xerez says that they were to take formal possession
of Cusco, and that a public notary accompanied them.

ALMAGRO AT CASSAMARCA. 189

been first taken for gods, they soon showed them-
selves to be a scourge from the gods. The people
of Cusco meditated revenge ; but, their fears or
their respect for Atahuallpa prevailing, they hast-
ened, by satisfying the demands of these three
Spaniards, to get rid of them. The inhabitants
of the royal city must have remained shocked
and troubled to their inmost souls, and the spell
which might have attached this simple people to
the Spaniards was broken.

Indeed, we may well consider the sufferings
of the inhabitants of Cusco as having something
peculiar in them, even for the Indies.

While such indignities were being perpetrated
at Cusco, Almagro and his men had arrived at
Cassamarca, and now the fruits of an ill-cemented
partnership, like that between Pizarro and Al-
magro, began to show themselves again. Well
might Sixtus the Fifth say, as he did once, when
addressing the Venetian ambassadors, ^^ He that
has partners has masters" — alluding to his dif-
ficulties with the conclave of cardinals ; and, if
the learned and the discreet can hardly manage
conjoint action, how much more difficult must it
be with rude, unlettered soldiers, like Pizarro

190 FEUD WITH ALMAGRO.

and Almagro. Fernando Pizarro, the most dis-
tinguished member of the family, could never
conceal his contempt and dislike for the uncouth-
looking Almagro ; and when Almagro arrived at
the camp, the common dislike, which had been
soothed down at Panama, broke out again at
Cassamarca.

Moreover, there was a serious cause, if not for
contention, at least for jealousy on the part of
the newly-arrived soldiers under Almagro's com-
mand, when contemplating the good fortune of
the men who had come with Pizarro, amongst
whom were to be divided the heaps of gold which
were gradually filling the room where the line
of measurement was marked for Atahuallpa's
ransom. Pizarro, perhaps with some view for
the moment of getting rid of his brother, now
resolved to melt the gold which had been accu-
mulated, and to send Fernando with the king's
fifth to Spain. It amounted to one million three
hundred and twenty-six thousand five hundred
and thirty-nine pesos^ of pure metal. A record

* A peso was equivalent to four shillings and eightpence
farthinc^.

DIVISION OF SPOILS. 191

has been kept of the division of the spoil, from
which it appears that the horse-soldier received,
upon the average, eight thousand pesos, and the
foot-soldier between three and four thousand.
The name of Vicente de Valverde is not in the
list, so that at least the vice of avarice cannot be
imputed to him. Pizarro made over to Almagro
a hundred thousand pesos as a compensation for
the expenses which had been incurred in their
partnership. To Almagro's soldiers twenty thou-
sand pesos were awarded, which seems a very
small sum indeed, and must have been totally
inadequate to satisfy their cravings. The whole
sum did not amount to that which was paid to
any three of Pizarro's horsemen, and would by
no means have compensated for the extravagant
increase in prices which this influx of gold caused
in the Spanish camp.*

* The common price for a horse was fifteen hundred
pesos ; a bottle of wine cost seventy pesos ; a sheet of
paper ten pesos ; a head of garlic half a peso. — See Xerez,
p. 233.

The strangest result, however, of this influx of gold was
that creditors shunned their debtors, and absolutely hid
themselves to avoid being paid. — Oviedo, Hist Gen. y Nat.
de las Indias, tom. iv. lib. xlvi. cap. 13.

CHAPTER VI.

Guascar IncdsFate — Atahuallpd! s Trial — Atahuallpa's
Execution.

JHILE this wholesale spoliation of Peru
was going on, it had fared ill with Guas-
car Inca, the legitimate sovereign of
that kingdom. There is a story, unsupported by-
much evidence, but which appears not improbable,
that Pizarro's messengers to Cusco met those per-
sons who had charge of the fallen Inca, and that
he implored the Spaniards to take him under their
protection, and to convey him to Pizarro's camp,
offering, as might be expected, great largesses.
But they, not a whit more politic in this respect
than their master, took no heed of his request,
and passed on to Cusco. It is added that the
fact of this interview being communicated to Ata-
huallpa hastened Guascar Inca's death. It is also

GUASCAR INC A EXECUTED. 193

said that Atahuallpa, fearing what Pizarro would
say and do^ if he gave the order for his brother's
execution, made a trial of the Governor ; and, on
Pizarro's coming to visit him one day, he assumed
a very sorrowful appearance. Being pressed to
declare the cause of his grief, he said that Guas-
car Inca had been put to death by the captains
who had charge of him, without his ( Atahuallpa's)
orders. Pizarro is said to have soothed him with
some commonplace remark about death being the
ordinary lot of mortals, whereupon the Inca no
longer hesitated to give orders for his brother's
execution.

The truth is, that the Scotch form of verdict,
" not proven," is all that can be said against Ata-
huallpa, as regards his brother's death.

In a document, drawn up for Charles the Fifth's
perusal, signed by the Governor, there is no men-
tion of the death of Guascar Inca as part of the
charge against Atahuallpa.

Atahuallpa seems to have been well aware that
the newly-arrived Spaniards were anything but
favourable to him. On taking leave of Fernando
Pizarro, he said, '' I am sorry that you are going ;
for when you are gone, I know that that fat man

o

194 ATAHUALLPA'S ENEMIES.

and that one-eyed man will contrive to kill
me."

The fat man was Alonzo Riquelme, the King's
treasurer; the one-eyed man was Almagro.

Then, too, it has been stated that the interpreter
Felipillo, being in love with one of Atahuallpa's
wives or concubines — an affront which, it is said,
the Inca felt more than anything that had occurred
to him, — was desirous of compassing Atahuallpa's
death. It has been believed by some that Pizarro
had from the first intended to put his prisoner to
death ; but this is probably one of those numerous
instances of a practice indulged in by historians of
attributing a long-conceived and deliberate policy
to their heroes in reference to some event, because
the event was all along familiar to the historian's
mind, though not at all so to the mind of the hero
of the story.

If I read Pizarro's character rightly, he may
have been a suspicious man, but he was not a man
of deep plans and projects. That he was likely to
conceal his plans, when formed, is true ; and there
is a pleasing little anecdote indicative of his cha-
racter in that respect, which may be mentioned
here. Hearing that one of his soldiers had lost

FIZABRO'S CHARACTER. l\)o

his horse^ and was unable, from poverty, to pur-
chase another, Pizarro concealed under his robe a
large plate of gold, and going down to play In the
tennis-court, where he expected to meet this sol-
dier, but where he did not find him, the Governor
played on for hours, with this great weight about
him, until he espied the soldier and was able to
draw him aside and give him the gold in secret,
not without complaining of what he had had to
endure in playing tennis with such a burden
about him. In addition, moreover, to his natural
cautiousness, it appears that Pizarro, in the course
of his long warfare with the Indians, had become
particularly wary in dealing with them. In short,
he was a prudent soldier, but not a dissembling
statesman. He may be acquitted of any deep-laid
design against Atahuallpa's life. Far from being
the first to plot, it is probable that his hostility
was quickened or evoked by his fear of being out-
witted by the address of the Inca.

The truth is that Cassamarca, the present
scene of action, was in a country where the na-
tives were not friendly to Atahuallpa : many of
them, therefore, would be glad to spread injurious
reports of the Inca's designs. Moreover, in the

196 DISTURBED STATE OF THE EMPIRE,

present condition of the Peruvian royal family,
the Indians throughout the empire must have been
in a very disturbed and uncertain state ; and their
movements, directed perhaps by private impulses,
might present an appearance of warlike levies
sanctioned by the Inca. Besides, it might na-
turally be expected that Atahuallpa's adherents,
with or without his orders, would assemble to-
gether, and march towards the place of their
master's imprisonment. Atahuallpa was there-
fore likely to suffer in the estimation of his
captors by what was done by his friends, by his
enemies, and by any bands of lawless men who
were the enemies of the state.

The natural fears of men so isolated as were
Pizarro and his Spaniards at Cassamarca would
aid in bewildering their judgment as to the nature
of any movements observed among the surround-
ing Indians.

Notwithstanding the immense superiority of
the Spaniards in arms and accoutrements, it must
not be forgotten that they were but a handful of
men among the millions whom they had insulted,
bereaved, and plundered; and that a dexterous
surprise on the part of the Peruvians might easily

INFLUENCE OF ALMAGRO, 197

restore the advantage to the side of numbers.
There was, then, good reason for discussing what
should be done with Atahuallpa ; and the main
body of Almagro's men were likely to take the
side of the question unfavourable to the captive
Inca, from a fear that whatever gold came in
might be set down as a part of the ransom, on
which Pizarro's men had the first claim, and
also from a wish for some new adventure in
which they, too, might distinguish and enrich
themselves. The arrival, therefore, of Almagro
and his men at this particular juncture must
be accounted one of those inopportune contin-
gencies with which the history of the conquest of
America abounds. It gave occasion for a great
difference of feeling upon the pending question
of Atahuallpa's death: that question, once dis-
cussed, would be sure to become a subject for
faction in the small community ; and the rage of
faction, like that of infectious disease, depends
upon the smallness and confinement of the area
over which it acts.

There is one circumstance which seems to have
escaped the knowledge, or the observation, of the
early chroniclers and historians, who all leave

198 PIZARRO'S PROCLAMATION,

their readers in doubt whether Atahuallpa's ran-
som was ever fully paid. But in the narrative
made for the Emperor, which may be considered
as having an official character, and which bears
the signature of Pizarro, there is the following
passage. " That fusion (of gold) having been
made, the Governor executed an act before a
notary, in which he liberated the Cacique Ata-
huallpa and absolved him from the promise and
word, which he had given to the Spaniards who
captured him, of the room of gold which he had
conceded to them; which act the Governor
caused to be published openly by sound of
trumpet in the great square of that city of Cas-
samarca." At the same time Pizarro caused the
Inca to be informed that, until more Spaniards
should arrive to secure the country, it was ne-
cessary for the service of the King of Spain that
he should still be kept a prisoner. The reasons
alleged for this apparent breach of faith were the
greatness of Atahuallpa's power, and the fact,
which Pizarro asserted he was well aware of, that
the Inca had many times ordered his warriors to
come and attack the Spaniards. It is difficult to
see any motive for the singular proclamation

A RESCUE CONTEMPLATED. 199

mentioned above but a very prudent desire, on
the part of Pizarro, to remove any cause of dis-
pute between his men and those of Almagro in .
reference to the Inca's ransom. This proclama-
tion, therefore, was an act in favour of Ata-
huallpa — that is, so far as the removal of the
grounds on which a party is formed tends (which
is but little for some time) to dissolve the party.
That Pizarro had any personal regard for his
captive may be doubted ; and the common story
of Atahuallpa's discovery that the Spanish com-
mander could not read, and of his consequent
contempt for him, though not perhaps literally
true, may yet indicate that the relations between
them were not those of particular friendliness.

Things being in this state, a circumstance oc-
curred which Pizarro's secretary mentions, and
which he says deserves to be mentioned. An
Indian chief, the ^^ Cacique " of Cassamarca (Cas-
samarca was one of the territories that had been
conquered by Atahuallpa) came to the Governor,
and by means of the Interpreters informed him
that Atahuallpa had sent to his own province
of Quito, and to all the other provinces, to as-
semble men of war ; that the army, thus formed.

200 PIZARRO INDIGNANT

was marching under the command of a chief
named Llaminabe ; * that it was close at hand,
and would arrive at night, when an attempt
would be made to fire the town. The Cacique
added other details. Pizarro expressed his warm-
est thanks for this intelligence, and ordered a
notary to make a report of the matter, and to
found an inquiry upon it. In consequence of
this, an uncle of Atahuallpa's and several Indian
chiefs were arrested and examined ; and it was
said that their evidence confirmed the evidence of
the Cacique of Cassamarca.

The Governor then had an interview with the
Inca ; and, reproaching him for his treachery,
told him what he had discovered. '^ You mock
me," Atahuallpa replied, with a smile ; " for you
are always saying things of this absurd kind to
me. What are we, I and my people ? how can
we conquer men so brave as you? Do not
utter these jests to me." The Inca's smile and
untroubled reply created no confidence in the
mind of his hearer, for " since the Inca had been

* Kuminavi (" Stony-Countenance"), one of Atahuallpa's
greatest captains.

WITH THE INCA, 201

a prisoner, he had often replied with such astute-
ness and composure, that the Spaniards who had
heard him were astonished to see so much address
in a barbarian."*

Pizarro sent at once for a chain, which he
ordered to be put round the Inca's neck — a
terrible indignity for the descendant of so many
monarchs to endure. The Governor then took
a wiser step in despatching two Indian spies in
order to ascertain where this army was. They
learnt, it is said, that it was advancing by little
and little through a mountainous part of the
country ; that Atahuallpa had at first ordered it
to retreat ; but that he had since countermanded
that order ; and had now named the very hour
and place at which the attack was to be made,
saying that he should be put to death if they
delayed their arrival. The Governor, upon this
intelligence, took all precautions against an im-
mediate attack. The rounds were made with the
greatest watchfulness; the soldiers slept in their
armour ; the horses were kept ready saddled. It
appears, also, that a party was sent out, under the

* See Xerez, p. 234,

202 ATAUUALLPA'S TRIAL.

command of Fernando de Soto, to reconnoitre;
but the crisis of Atahuallpa's fate came on before
any intelligence was received from them.

The camp being in this excited and watchful
state, there came to it one Saturday morning at
sunrise two Indians, who were in the service of
the Spaniards, and who said that they had fled
at the approach of an army which was only three
leagues from Cassamarca, and that the Spaniards
would be attacked that night, or the succeeding
one.

Then Pizarro delayed no longer, but resolved
to bring Atahuallpa to judgment, although, says
the official narrative, it was very displeasing to
the Governor to come to that pass. There hap-
pened to be a doctor of laws in the Spanish
camp, and so the cause was conducted with due
formality. The various counts in the indictment
are given by Garcilaso de la Vega. Some of them
are very absurd, but I should be reluctant on that
account to pronounce that they are not genuine.
Guascar Inca's death, as might be expected,
formed one of the subjects for accusation ; * and,

* This statement is not inconsistent with the fact of that

ATAHUALLPA'S TRIAL, 203

umongst other things, it was asked, whether Ata-
huallpa was not an idolater, — whether he had not
prosecuted unjust wars, — whether he did not pos-
sess many concubines, — whether he had not
made away with the tribute of the empire since
the Spaniards had taken possession of it, —
whether he had not made over to his relations
and his captains many gifts from the royal estate
since the arrival of the Spaniards ; and, lastly,
which was the gist of the matter, whether he had
not concerted with his captains to rebel and to
slay the Spaniards ? If Felipillo did desire the
Inca's death, now was the time when a word, put
in or left out, might easily turn the scale. It
seems that the prisoner was allowed to have an
advocate ; but little could be done by him for his
client, if the two Indians, as interpreted by
Felipillo, spoke decisively to the truth of their
story.

The cause having been heard, and condem-
nation being resolved upon, judgment was pro-

part of the charge respecting Guascar Inca's death not
being reported to the Emperor, for it may have been suc-
cessfully rebutted.

204 ATAHUALLPA CONDEMNED.

nouncedjit was to the following effect: — that
Atahuallpa should be put to death, and that the
mode of his death should be burning, unless he
/ previously embraced the Christian faith. \ These
liraging missionaries, the Spanish conquerors, were
always eager to put forward that part of their
mission, which consisted in enforcing the outward
acceptance of Christianity — a thing which, it
must be admitted, they really believed to be of
the utmost import.

When the sentence was communicated to the
Inca, loud were his protestations against the in-
justice, the tyranny, and the ill-faith of Pizarro ;
but all these complaints availed him nothing ; and
he prepared himself for death with that dignity
which men who have long held high station and
have been accustomed to act before a large au-
dience are wont to show — as if they said to them-
selves, ^^ We play a great part in human life, and
that part shall suffer no diminution of its dignity
in our hands." \ When brought to the place of
execution, he said that he would be a Christian —
the threat of burning being found, as it often has
been, a great enlightenment upon difficult points
of doctrine. Vicente de Valverde baptized the

HIS EXECUTION. 205

Inca under the name of Don Juan Atahuallpa,
and the new convert was then tied to a stake, \
Just before his death he recommended to the
Governor his little children, whom he desired to
have near him; and with these last words, the
Spaniards who were surrounding him being good
enough to say the '' Credo " for his soul, he was
suddenly strangled with a cross-bow string. | That
night his body was left in the great square, and
in the morning he was buried with all pomp and
honour in the church which the Spaniards had
already built, " from which mode of burial," adds
the official document, " all the principal lords and
caciques who served him received much satisfac-
tion, considering the great honour which had been
done to him, and knowing that by reason of his
having been made a Christian he was not burnt
alive, and that he was buried in the church as if
he had been a Spaniard."
I Atahuallpa, at the time of his death, was a
man of fine presence, about thirty years of age,
tending to corpulence, with a large, handsome,
cruel-looking face, and with blood-shot eyes.
His disposition was gay — not that his gaiety
was manifested with his own people, for dignity

206 ATAHUALLPA'S CHARACTER.

forbade that, but in his conversation with the
Spaniards. The general impression of his abi-
lities seems to have been favourable^ and he was
supposed to be an astute, clever man. In short,
had the tables been reversed, and Atahuallpa
been born in Estremadura instead of in Quito,
he would probably have made as crafty^ bold,
unscrupulous, and cruel a commander as any one
of his co nquerors | i and, I doubt not, would have
been equally devout. With his death fell the
dynasty of the Tncas, though afterwards, as we
shall see, there were some mock-suns of Incas
set up by the Spaniards, to serve their own pur-
. poses.

It is difficult to say whether the execution of
Atahuallpa was politic or not. But certainly the
whole scheme of Spanish conquest, as exemplified
in Peru, was most unwise, if the preservation of
the natives and their conversion are to be con-
sidered among the principal objects of the con-
quest, as they certainly were by many good men
even at that early period. The conquest always
proceeded too fast; and the want of sufficient
opposition prevented a sound growth in the new
Spanish states. The Spaniards found themselves

TARDY WISDOM OF MAN. 207

suddenly masters — in one day masters— of vast
tracts of country and populous nations^ about
whose laws, manners, government, religion, lan-
guage, and resources they knew almost nothing.
This was too difficult a problem for human nature
to solve. Accordingly, the conquerors spread
themselves, or, to use a bold metaphor, were
spilt, over the country they conquered, like some
noxious chemical fluid which destroys all life it
touches ; and well, indeed, might they have been
considered as the plague of an offended deity !
No legislation could prevent the evil consequences
of a state of things so entirely abhorrent from
good government as this was.

There are, unfortunately, no more New Worlds
to conquer ; and human wisdom, which ever lin-
gers on the road, and lives so much in retrospect,
that a cynic would say it might almost as well
deal with another world as so exclusively concern
itself with the past history of this one, was cer-
tainly not more rapid or felicitous than usual in
applying itself to the difficult circumstances which
this newly-discovered continent produced in such
abundance. It has been intimated before, and
the history of Peru confirms the remark, that a

208 LAST GLOB IE S OF PERU.

weightier and more sustained endeavour on the
part of the Spaniards to conquer and colonize, or
mere missions to convert the natives, or simple
traffic like the beginnings of the British East
India Company, would probably have had a much
less unsuccessful issue in civilizing, converting,
and maintaining alive the inhabitants of the New
World, But it is not for any one generation to
comment very severely on its predecessors. The
history of the most advanced times presents nearly
as much that is ludicrous, disastrous, and ill-con-
sidered, as can readily be met with at any previous
period of the world.

Thus, with some regrets, and much foreboding,
we draw the curtain across the stage on which
lies the body of the last great Inca, — to be borne
by the Spaniards, with so much self-satisfaction
at their own piety, not to any golden-plated
temple of the sun, but to their hastily-raised
wooden church in Cassamarca. Meanwhile, in
the distance, there rises before the prophetic eye
a great picture, in which the lofty roads of Peru,
the sumptuous temples, palaces, and gardens are
already falling into swift destruction, — hencefor-
ward to possess the interest only of ruins, and to

MAN THE GREAT DESTROYER. 209

be numbered with Babylon, Nineveh, and the
things that have been.

Man is the great conservator; man the great
destroyer: but the most fatal destruction — the
destruction that continues to destroy — is when
men stifle the inner life, and slay the spirit, of
their fellow-men. The historian of the decline
and fall of Kome has declared that it was not the
barbarians who destroyed the buildings of " the
eternal city," but the Roman citizens themselves,
whose polity was broken up, who lived in a place
too big for them, and who quarried amongst the
grand edifices of their forefathers, to provide for
their mean, daily purposes. So it is always ; and
no calamity is to be deeply apprehended for a
people, which does not strike a mortal blow at the
national life of that people. The direst earth-
quakes (and no quarter of the globe has suffered
more from these appalling disasters than the New
World,) leave but a slight scar behind. The
most immense catastrophes of fire and flood, if the
nation be but heartily alive, are soon smoothed
over, and in a generation are not to be discerned,
except by an increase of beauty in the city and
of fertility in the fields. The most cruel wars

p

210 THE CONQUEST FATAL

often invigorate: Rome rises only greater from
the vital conflicts she endured at the hands of the
unrivalled Carthaginian. Nay, even conquest
will not efface the essential being of a nation ;
and many a people, compressed into narrower
limits, or absolutely subjugated by a dominant
race, have bided their time, drinking in the secret
benefits of great reverses, — have then raised their
crests again, and become a world-famous nation.

But the Spanish Conquest, both of Peru and
Mexico, was one of those fatal blows to the con-
quered, of v^hich the shock runs through national
and social life, smiting the spinal cord of a people,
and leaving them in a death-like paralysis. The
men in a nation so subdued are as helpless and
bewildered as animals would be who had lost their
instinct. All that the nation has accomplished
in art, through science, or in architecture, is sub-
missively ceded to the elements ; and no man lifts
his hand to protect or restore any work of his
own or of his forefathers, which he had formerly
delighted in. It is not an earthquake which has
shaken these miserable men, but a new formation
of their world that has overwhelmed them. All
the old civilization — the record often of so much

TO THE CONQUERED. 211

toil and blood and sorrow — is crushed for ever
into a confused heap of rude materials, the simplest
meaning of which it will hereafter require great
study to decipher ; and the nation, if it survives
in name, is but a relic, a warning, and a sign, —
like some burnt-out star, drifting along, hideous
and purposeless, amidst the full and shining orbs
which still remain to adorn and vivify the uni-
verse.

BOOK THE THIRD.

CHAPTER I.

The Feud between the Pizarros and the Almagros — Alvarado's
Entrance into Peru — Almagro proceeds to conquer Chili —
Fernando Pizarro takes the Command at Cusco.

J HEN the wild beasts of a forest have
hunted down their prey, there comes
the difficulty of tearing it into equal or
rather into satisfying shares, which mostly ends
in renewed bloodshed. Nor is the same stage of
the proceedings less perilous to associates amongst
the higher animals ; and men, notwithstanding all
their writings and agreements, rules, forms, and
orders, are hardly restrained from flying at each
others' throats, when they come to the distribution
of profits, honours, or rewards. The feud between

214 FEUD BETWEEN THE ASSOCIATES.

the PIzarros and the Almagros is one of the most
memorable quarrels in the world. Pizarro and
Almagro were two rude unlettered men, of ques-
tionable origin ; but their disputes were of as
much importance to mankind as almost any which
occurred in that century, rich as it is in historical
incident, except perhaps the long-continued quar-
rel between the Emperor Charles the Fifth and
Francis the First. Moreover, the European feud
between these monarchs was important chiefly on
account of its indirect consequences, inasmuch as
it gave room for the Reformation to grow and
establish itself; but this dire contest in America
destroyed almost every person of any note who
came within its influence, desolated the country
where it originated, prevented the growth of
colonization, and changed for the worse the whole
course of legislation for the Spanish colonies. Its
eff'ects were distinctly visible for a century after-
wards, whereas the wars between France and
Spain, though they seemed to be all-important at
the time, did not leave any permanent mark upon
either country.

There were no signs, however, of the depth and
fatality of this feud between the Pizarros and the

nZARRO APPOINTS AN INCA. 215

Almagros at the period immediately succeeding
the execution of Atahuallpa. That act of in-
justice having been perpetrated, Pizarro gave the
royal borla to a brother of the late Inca, and set
out from Cassamarca on his way to Cusco. It
was now time to extend his conquests and to
make himself master of the chief city in Peru.
Accordingly, in company with his comrade Al-
magro and the new Inca, Pizarro quitted Cassa-
marca in the summer of 1533, having remained in
that beautiful district seven months.

It is unnecessary to give any detailed account
of the events of this journey. The hostile In-
dians, wherever met, were encountered and routed
by the Spaniards with the aid, as they imagined,
of their tutelary saint, whose assistance, however,
does not seem to have been much needed. The
newly-appointed Inca died. The death of this
prince has been attributed to the grief he felt at
the depression of his royal race. It is said that
after the borla had been placed upon him, he was
no sooner out of Pizarro's presence, than, tearing
the regal emblem from his forehead, he threw it on
the ground, and stamped upon it, declaring that
he would not wear a thing which he regarded as

216 DEATH OF THE NEW INC A.

a mark of his slavery and of his shame. His most
devoted followers sought to conquer this resolu-
tion. But they did so in vain ; and, giving way
to unutterable disgust at his subservient position,
he expired in two months' time after he had re-
ceived the horla from the hands of the man who
had conquered his people and taken away his
brother's life. Pizarro exceedingly regretted the
death of this Inca, for it was very convenient to
the Spanish conqueror to have at his beck a scion
of the royal race, who must be submissive to
him, but whose semblance of authority might pre-
vent the Peruvians from attempting further re-
sistance.

Chilicuchima, the unfortunate general whom
Ferdinand Pizarro had persuaded to accompany
him to the Spanish quarters, became suspected
of being in communication with the enemy, and
was most unjustly condemned to be burnt by
Pizarro. When the Spaniards approached the
city of Cusco, they found that the Indians there
were disposed to make a great resistance. But a
brother of Guascar, named Manco Inca, who held
the chief authority in the place, and was accounted
by the Cuscans as the reigning Inca, came out to

PIZABRO ENTERS CUSCO. 217

meet Pizarro as a friend, in consequence of which
the Spaniards entered '^ the great and holy city "
of Cusco after a slight resistance, on the 15th of
November, 1533.* Notwithstanding that Cusco
had been rifled in the first instance by Pizarro's
messengers, there still remained in that city great
treasures, which, when divided into four hundred
and eighty parts, gave, as some say, four thousand
pesos to each Spaniard in the army. Amongst
the spoil were ten or twelve statues of female
figures, made of fine gold, as large as life, and ^^ as
beautiful and well wrought as if they had been
alive." This division having been accomplished,
Pizarro attended to the affairs of religion. He
caused the idols to be pulled down, placed crosses
on all the high-ways, built a church, and then,
with all due solemnities, in the presence of a no-
tary and of fitting witnesses, took possession of
the town in the name of the invincible King of
Castillo and Leon, Don Carlos the first of that
name.

In the meantime, the fierce and valorous cap-

* This was exactly a year after their entry into Cassa-
marca, which had taken place on the 15th November, 1532.

218 ALVARADO IS ATTRACTED TO PERU.

tains of Atahuallpa did not remain indolent or
pacific spectators of the Spanish conquest. But
nothing would have availed, for the Spaniards
were now ready to flock into Peru from all
quarters.

One of the most renowned companions of
Cortes, Pedro de Alvarado, was attracted by the
report of the riches of Peru to try his fortune
there.

The dismay of Pizarro may be imagined, when
he heard that Alvarado, with no fewer than five
hundred men at arms, had landed on the northern
coast of Peru. He at once despatched Almagro
in hot haste to conquer or to gain over this new and
formidable rival. These new invaders, having
met with great hardships, were not unwilling to
come to terms with Almagro. Negotiations,
therefore, were readily entered into, and a treaty
agreed upon that Almagro should give to Alva-
rado one hundred thousand pesos^ and in return
Alvarado should hand over the armament to the
two partners Pizarro and Almagro, and should
engage for himself to quit Peru.

And now to effect the conquest of Peru the
combined forces amounted to something very like

LIMA FOUNDED, 219

what Comogre's son years before this had de-
clared to be necessary.

It would seem at first sight that a great danger
had been obviated in Alvarado's men having been
thus brought into the service of Pizarro and Al-
magro ; but it fell out otherwise, for the principal
men in Alvarado's armament, having first met
with Almagro, became attached to him, and were
among his most zealous partisans; and partisan-
ship brought ruin to every leader concerned in it,
and was for years the curse of Peru.

Pizarro, relieved from his difficulty by the de-
parture of Alvarado, resolved to found a city near
the sea-coast, in the valley of Lima, which after-
wards received the name of Lima. Before this
occurred, however, the compact between the two
partners, Pizarro and Almagro, had been renewed
with oaths and other solemn affirmations; and it
was agreed that Almagro should go to reside at
Cusco, to govern that part of the country, for
which Pizarro gave him powers, as he did also to
make further discoveries southwards. The Ma-
riscal (such was the title which had recently been
conferred on Almagro) took his leave accompanied
by the greater part of Alvarado's men, whom he

220 FERNANDO IN SPAIN

had attracted by his amiable nature and profuse
liberality.

While these events had been occurring in Peru,
Fernando Pizarro had reached the court of Spain.
It was in January, 1534, that he arrived at Se-
ville, and as the Emperor was in Spain that year,
Fernando Pizarro's business was readily des-
patched. The result of his negotiation with the
court was, that he obtained for his brother the mar-
quisate of Atavillos, a valley not far from Xauxa ;
the habit of Santiago for himself; the bishopric
of Cusco for Vicente de Valverde; and a go-
vernorship for Almagro, which was to commence
where Pizarro's ended, and was to be called
Nueva Toledo. It cannot be said that Fernando
Pizarro fell into the error formerly committed
by his brother of neglecting Almagro's interests
at the Spanish court. On the other hand, as
some acknowledgment of these honours and dig-
nities, Fernando held out hopes of procuring
from Peru a large donation to the Emperor,
who was about to commence his expedition to
Barbary.

The tenour of the despatches, which were to
confer these appointments, must have been known

A GOVERNORSHIP FOR ALMAGRO. 221

to many persons ; and while Pizarro was at Trux-
illo, another town which he founded on the coast,
a youth landed there who said that Diego de Al-
magro was appointed governor of the country
from Chincha southwards. Upon this, a certain
man named Aguero, anxious no doubt to secure
the present which it was customary to give on the
receipt of great good ncAVS, hastened after the
Mariscal, and found him at the bridge of Aban9ay,
where he communicated this intelligence to him.
It served to exalt Almagro greatly in his own
opinion. Some say that he threw up the office
which he held under Pizarro, claiming to rule
Cusco on his own account ; others, that Pizarro
recalled the powers with which he had entrusted
Almagro for the government of Cusco, appointing
his brother Juan Pizarro to be governor. It is
certain that dissensions between the younger
Pizarros and Almagro arose at this time, which
the Marquis was obliged to come to Cusco to
pacify. Pizarro, on meeting his old friend, after
they had embraced with many tears, spoke thus :
^^ You have made me come by these roads without
bringing a bed or a tent, or other food than maize.
Where was your judgment, that, sharing with me

222 A SOLEMN COMPACT.

equally in what there is. you have entered into
quarrels with my brothers ? " Almagro answered
that there w^as no occasion for Pizarro to have
come with all this haste, since he had sent him
word of all that had passed ; and, proceeding to
justify himself, he added that Pizarro's brothers
had not been able to conceal their jealousy, because
the King had honoured him.

The licentiate Caldera, a grave and wise man,
now intervened, as he had done before between
the Mariscal and Pedro de Alvarado ; and the
result was that the Marquis and the Mariscal
renewed their amity in the most solemn manner,
standing before the altar, and each invoking upon
himself perdition of soul, body, fame, honour, and
estate, if he should break this solemn compact.
The oath was taken in the Governor's house on
the 12th of June, 1535, in the presence of many
persons, the priest saying mass, and the two
governors having put their right hands above the
consecrated hands of the priest which held ^^ the
most holy sacrament." This was called " dividing
the Host;" and was considered a most solemn
form of declaring friendship.

The Mariscal now resolved to enter his own

ALMAGRO GOES TO CHILL 223

territory, where he could be free from the
Pizarros ; and accordingly he prepared to march
into Chili, which certainly fell within the con-
fines of his government. In making preparations
for his departure he lavished his resources, giving
those who would follow him money to buy arms
and horses, upon the simple understanding that
they would repay him from their gains in the
country where they were going. As he was now
greatly popular, his service was readily embraced,
and some even of those who had repartimientos at
Cusco resolved to throw them up and follow the
Mariscal. The Inca placed at his disposal the
services of his brother PauUo and of the high-
priest Villaoma, who were ordered to accompany
Almagro into Chili. These he sent on before ;
he himself was to go next; and his lieutenant-
general Rodrigo Orgonez was to follow with the
rest of the people. It may show how much
Almagro's service was sought after, that so dis-
tinguished a person in Pizarro's camp as Fernando
de Soto was greatly disappointed at not having
been named lieutenant-general of the Mariscal's
forces.

Almagro, the day before his departure, is said

224 PIZABRO'S BROTHERS.

to have begged Pizarro to send his brothers back
to Castille, saying that for that end he would be
willing that Pizarro should give them from the
joint estate whatever amount of treasure he
pleased ; that such a course would give general
content in the land, for ^^ there was no one whom
those gutlemen would not insult, relying upon
their relationship to him." To this request
Pizarro replied, that his brothers respected and
loved him as a father, and that they would give
no occasion of scandal.*

* Oviedo describes Fernando Pizarro in the following
words : " And of all those (the brothers Pizarro) Fernando
Pizarro was the only one of a legitimate bed, and the most
imbedded in pride. He was a stout man of lofty stature,
with a large tongue and heavy lips, and the end of the nose
very fleshy and red ; and this man was the disturber of the
quiet of all, and especially of the two ancient associates
Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro."

CHAPTER 11.

Fernando Pizarro returns from Spain — Takes the Command
at Cusco — Flight and Rebellion of the Inca Manco —
Description of Cusco,

S the brotherhood of the Pizarros 5s
about to play a very important part in
the history, it is desirable to consider
what the advantages and disadvantages would
have been of such a course as Almagro counselled.
It is true that the promotion of near relatives is,
and always has been, a very offensive thing to
those who are hoping for advancement from any
man in power, or even to those who are merely
looking on at his proceedings. But, on the other
hand, near relatives, though often more difficult
to act with than other men, are nearly sure to be
faithful. The certainty of this faithfulness has,

Q

226 FERNANDO RETURNS FROM SPAIN.

doubtless, weighed much with men like Pizarro,
newly and suddenly possessed of power; and it
was a difficult question for him to decide, whether
in his case it was not wise to endure the odium
for the sake of the fidelity. Moreover, Pizarro's
brothers were all of them good soldiers and brave
men. Fernando was a most skilful captain ; Gon-
zalo was said to be "the best lance" that had
come to the Indies; Juan showed his valour at
the siege of Cusco ; and Martin afterwards died
fighting by his brother's side.

The Marquis, unwilling to deprive himself of
the services of such brothers, would not listen to
the counsels of the Mariscal in this matter ; which
counsels, however, have been held by commenta-
tors to be very sagacious.

The Governor of Nueva Toledo (Almagro) set
out to conquer the country that had been assigned
to him : the Governor of Nueva Castilla, for that
was the name of Pizarro's province, returned to
superintend the building of his new town, Los
Reyes. Juan Pizarro was left in command at
Cusco. It was soon after the reconciliation of the
two Governors that Fernando Pizarro returned
from the Court of Spain. He had undertaken to

IS MADE GOVERNOR OF CUSCO. 227

raise a benevolence for the court from the colonists
of Peru.

In order to obtain the sum required from Cusco^
and also to keep the Indians quiet (for an uncle of
Manco Inca had been lately rebelling and en-
deavouring to persuade his nephew to join in the
rebellion), Pizarro resolved to send his brother
Fernando to supersede Juan in the government of
that city. It is said that the Marquis had respect
also to any danger there might be from the
smothered discontent of the Mariscal or his fol-
lowers, and, therefore, wished to have a person
of Fernando's weight and authority at the city,
which was nearest to Almagro's province. Fer-
nando did not hesitate to treat the Inca with much
favour, although there appeared a good deal of
dissatisfaction among; the Indians in the neio:h-
bourhood. An Indian, named Villaoma (whom
the Peruvians held in the same veneration in
which the Spaniards held the pope), now returned
to Cusco from having attended the Mariscal, with
whom he had gone as captain of the Indian forces.
News came of a revolt of the district of Collao ;
still the Inca was not suspected of being concerned
in it; nay, leave was given him to go out of the

228 THE INC A MEDITATES REVOLT,

city of Cusco to receive Villaoma on his return.
Thereupon the two great Indian authorities, the
Inca and the High Priest, returned together into
Cusco, and both went straight to the Temple of
the Sun ; and there, according to Valverde, Vil-
laoma not only complained of the injuries he had
received when with Almagro, but counselled re-
volt. Fernando Pizarro, however, had no sus-
picion of this plot, for two days afterwards he
gave permission to the Inca, and to many of
the chiefs, to go to a valley where his father
was buried, in order to perform the customary
annual rites at his tomb.

On the 18th of April, 1536, the Inca, with
Villaoma, went out of Cusco, leaving behind them
some of the principal chiefs, who were suspected
by the Spaniards. This he did for a blind to his
real purpose. He had been absent only two days,
when a Spaniard arrived in the city to inform
Fernando Pizarro that the Inca was going to
Ares, fifteen leagues distant, in a very mountain-
ous district; from which circumstance it might,
he thought, be concluded he was about to revolt.
Fernando Pizarro merely sent a message to the
Inca, begging him to hasten his return, in order

GREAT ASSEMBLY OF CACIQUES, 229

to accompany him on an expedition to chastise
the caciques of Collao, who were in rebellion
(Atahuallpa was right in fearing to lose the pre-
sence of this Fernando) ; but the Inca took no
heed of this message. On the contrary, being
now within the protection of this rugged country,
he was enabled to proclaim his designs in all their
fulness. A great assembly was held of the ca-
ciques and other principal persons of the district ;
and it may be imagined what orations, full of
grief, shame, and lamentation, were uttered on
that occasion. Never had an assemblage of men
greater reason to complain, greater injuries to
redress. Their kings dethroned, their temples
profaned, their priests expelled, their sacred vir-
gins scorned and violated, their property seized,
themselves, their lands, their wives, and their
children given away, in a strange kind of cap-
tivity * amongst this victorious band of strangers,
— what eloquence that rage or hate could give
would be w^anting? It is unlikely that any
Peruvian chief who spoke on that day was one
who had not received some deadly domestic in-

* The system of Encomiendas,

230 RESOLVE OF THE PERUVIANS.

jury, something of the kind which Christians even
can hardly pretend to forgive — and which the
Spanish Christians of that day would certainly
have thought it a sacred duty to revenge. That
dusky assemblage might have been seen, waving
to and fro with emotions of horror and hatred,
as the chiefs stood upon some level arid spot,
with the burning sun pouring down upon them,
to whom each fiery speaker w^ould appeal, as to
a god, injured, desecrated, and maddened, like
themselves.

There can be little doubt that the most ardent
and earnest appeals were made on this occasion
to the valour, the piety, and the revengefulness
of the Peruvian Indians, for a solemn pledge was
taken, which the assembly could only have been
prepared for by such adjurations. The Inca
commanded that two large golden vessels, full of
wine, should be brought before him ; and then he
said, " I am determined not to leave a Christian
alive in all this land; wherefore I intend, in the
first place, to besiege Cusco. Whoever among
you resolves to serve me in this design has to
stake his life upon it. Let him drink." In this
manner, and with no other condition, many cap-

THE CITY OF CUSCO. 231

tains and principal persons rose and drank; nor
could it be said that they did not afterwards fulfil
their part in all the dangers and toils which this
fatal draught imposed upon them.

The city of Cusco was worthy of being the
spot which elicited the last great effort of the
Peruvians to rid themselves of their invaders.
There is no capital in Europe that has been con-
structed on so grand a plan. Cusco was, as it
were, a microcosm of the whole empire. As the
men of different tribes came up from Antisuyo,
Condesuyo, CoUasuyo, and Chinchasuyo, they
ranged themselves in the outskirts adjacent to the
four quarters of the town corresponding with
these four divisions of the empire ; and each tribe
took up its position as nearly as possible in the
same geographical order which it held in its own
country. The tribe that was to the north of it
in its own country was to the north of it also in
Cusco. Each tribe, also, had an especial head-
dress, and was discernible from all the rest, either
by a difference in the colour of the sash wound
round the head, or by a difference in the colour of
the feathers. The Inca, in traversing his city,
was thus enabled to review every section of his

232 THE CITADEL OF CUSCO.

empire^ and to recognize the inhabitants of each
district at a glance.

The greater part of the houses in the city were
constructed, either wholly or partly, of stone,
though some were built of bricks burnt in the
sun. Two streams entered Cusco, and traversed
the city. They entered under bridges, with
flood-gates, to prevent inundation. These streams,
in their passage through the city, had beds of ma-
sonry to run in, so that the water might always
be clear and clean. One of the streams passed
through the great square. A huge fortress over-
awed the city. The stones, or rather rocks, of
which the demi-lunes and other parts of the for-
tress were constructed, seemed of Cyclopean
work. The Spaniards said that not even "the
bridge of Segovia, or the other buildings which
Hercules and the Romans had made, were worthy
to be compared to the citadel of Cusco." An
eye-witness says, " I measured a stone at Tia-
guanaco, thirty-eight feet long, eighteen feet
broad, and about six feet thick ; but in the wall
of the fortress of Cusco, which is constructed of
masonry, there are many stones of much greater
size." It appears, from modern research, that

ITS HUGE BLOCKS OF STONE, 233

some of these stones were fifty feet long, twenty-
two feet broad, and six feet thick. How they
were conveyed thither is a problem which has
exercised ingenious men ever since the conquest.
But the works of despotic monarchs of the olden
time, who could employ an army to fetch a single
stone, have always astonished more civilized na-
tions, accustomed to a reasonable economy in the
use of human labour.

It seems that cement was used by the Peru-
vians ; but the work at Cusco was so exquisitely
inished that none of this cement was visible, for
^he masonry appeared ^^ as smooth as a table."
this, however, was only at the junction of the
$ones ; the rest of the stonework was left in the
ame state as it had been when taken from the
4iarry. Part of the fortress was an immense
at?enal, which, under the rule of the Incas, had
contained large stores of arms and accoutrements
of Jl kinds — also of metals, such as tin, lead,
silver and gold.

0\ a hill which overlooked the city, there were
certai\ small towers that served as gnomons, and
were ^ed for solar observations.

In (usco and its environs, including the whole

234 THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN.

valley which could be seen from the top of the
tower, it is said that there were a hundred
thousand houses. Amongst these were shops
and storehouses, and places for the reception of
tribute. A strange practice of the Peruvians
may account in some measure for this enormous
extent of building. It appears that when the
great lords died, their houses were not occupied
by their successors, but were, nevertheless, not
suffered to fall into decay ; and an establishment
was kept up in them. In honour of the deceased
master.

There was a large vacant space left in the
town for the erection of future palaces, it beirg
the custom for every reigning Inca to build a
new palace.

The great Temple of the Sun had, before tie
Spaniards rifled Cusco, been a building of sinju-
lar gorgeousness. The interior was plated rith
gold; and on each side of the central ima^e of
the Sun were ranged the embalmed bodies d the
Incas, sitting upon their golden thrones raised
upon pedestals of gold. All round the >utside
of the building, at the top of the walh ran a
coronal of gold about three feet in deptl Ad-

THE ROME OF THE WEST 235

jacent to the Temple of the Sun were other
buildings, also beautifully adorned, which had
been dedicated to the moon, the stars, to thunder,
lightning, and the rainbow. Each of these minor
buildings had its appropriate paintings and adorn-
ments. Then there were the schools of the learned
Amautas and the Haravecs, or poets, which might
be entered by a private way from the palace of
the Inca Roca, who had delighted to listen to the
discourses of the wise men of his dominions.

Cusco, independently of its temples and its
palaces and its court, was in itself an object of
fond admiration to the Peruvians; and, as Gar-
cilaso declares, it was to them what Rome was to
the rest of the world.^

Such was the city, not less dear because dis-
honoured and disfigured, that Manco Inca and
his brave companions in arms had pledged them-
selves to regain.

* Pedro de Ciega, one of the persons who saw Cusco
within the first twenty years after the Spanish conquest,
says " Cusco was grand and stately : it must have been
founded by a people of great intelligence." — Pedro de
CiEQA, Chronica del Peru^ parte i. cap. 92.

CHAPTER III.

The Siege of Cusco by the Revolted Peruvians,

^ERNANDO PIZARRO, having been
soon informed that Manco Inca really-
had revolted, far from awaiting the
attack, lost no time in making an endeavour to
seize upon the Inca's person. The friendly-
heights, however, protected the Indian sove-
reign, and Pizarro could not come near him.
There were now many skirmishes near Ares
between the Spaniards and the Peruvians, in
which the slaughter of the Inca's forces was
immense. Still the Indians, from all their four
provinces, Chinchasuyo, Collasuyo, Condesuyo,
and Antisuyo, came pouring in upon the scene
of action. On the heights the Indians began to
prevail, though in the plains, where the Spanish

SUCCESS OF THE PERUVIANS, 237

cavalry could act, it was like a company of
butchers amid innumerable flocks of sheep. In
one of these skirmishes the Indians, who were
beginning to learn the craft of war, retreated
until they led their enemies into an ambuscade,
where no less than twenty thousand Indians
poured down upon the Spaniards. The ground
was so rough that the horses were disabled from
acting, and though Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro
did all that they could to retrieve the day, they
were obliged to withdraw their forces into the
city. Their Indian followers, who had been
stationed in the fortress commanding Cusco,
were driven out of it; and it was occupied by
the enemy. But Fernando Pizarro, one of the
most valiant men, not only of the captains in
America, but of any in that age, beat back the
pursuers and regained the fortress. Juan Pizarro
was wounded in this battle.

The whole aspect of affairs now began to look
very threatening for the Spaniards. A question
arose whether it would be better to occupy the
fortress or to abandon it to the enemy. Juan
Pizarro contended that it should be abandoned,
arguing that if the Indians were to occupy the

238 PERUVIAN SIEGE OF CUSCO.

fortress, the Spaniards could retake it whenever
they pleased, and that it would be unwise to
divide their small force. This advice seemed to
be judicious, and was adopted.

Fernando Pizarro now resolved to form his
horsemen into three " companies," placing each
company under a captain. He had but ninety
horsemen, and he gave thirty to each of the three
commanders, committing to his guard a third
part of the town. To the foot-soldiers he did
not assign any especial part of the town to de-
fend, because they were very few, and the enemy
made little account of them. The next day,
being Saturday, the Feast of '^ St. John before
the Latin Gate," when the garrison awoke, they
found the fortress occupied by the hostile Indians;
and then the siege of Cusco may be said to have
commenced. The disproportion of numbers was
immense. There may have been one or two
thousand Indian auxiliaries attached to the
Spanish cause ; but the besiegers, as was after-
wards ascertained, amounted to a hundred thou-
sand warriors and eighty thousand attendants for
camp-service. They immediately set fire to those
houses, which lay between the fortress and the

THE CITY IN FLAMES, 239

town; and^ under cover of this fire, they con-
tinued to gain ground, making barricades in the
streets, and digging holes, so that the cavalry
could not act against them.

It is impossible not to sympathise in some
measure with the Peruvians, and to rejoice when-
ever they obtain any success on their side, so
that, if only for a moment, the tide of war is
turned against those remorseless missionaries, the
Spaniards. On this day, which was probably the
last on which the natives in all that vast continent
had any real chance of disembarrassing themselves
of their invaders, not only fire, but air, came to
the aid of the weaker side. There was, fortu-
nately for them, a high wind, and the roofs being
of straw or rushes, the fire spread so rapidly that
at one moment it appeared as if the whole city
were one sheet of flame. The war-cries of the
assailants were appalling. The smoke was so
dense that sight and hearing were alike confused.
But the Spaniards were not men to be easily
daunted. Each captain held his ground in his
own quarter, where, however, the Indians pressed
in upon them in such a manner that they could do
no more than hold their ground, having scarcely

240 THE SPANIARDS HARD PRESSED.

room to fight. Fernando Pizarro was to be seen,
now in one quarter, now in another, wherever the
distress was greatest. The Indians, who sup-
posed that the day was really theirs, threw them-
selves with the greatest bravery into the streets,
fighting hand to hand with the Spaniards; dis-
playing that desperate valour which takes no
heed of the inequality of weapons, and giving
blows which they must have been aware would
be returned on the instant with a hundredfold
the vigour and effect that there could be in their
own.

Fernando Pizarro saw that, without some
change in the mode of resistance, all was lost
for the Spaniards. Drawing, therefore, from
each company, a few men, amounting altogether
to only twenty, he made a sally on the road to
Condesuyo ; and, coming round upon the Indians
from that quarter, charged them vigorously and
drove them back with great slaughter to the
rough part of the sierra, where they again re-
formed their ranks and renewed the battle. Still,
however, the ardour of the fight did not abate in
the central part of the city, to which Fernando
Pizarro returned to resume his command-in-chief.

THEIR DESPONDENCY. 241

There was still no rest for the Spaniards. The
city continued to burn. The Indian High Priest,
Villaoma, who was likewise the General, occu-
pied and maintained the fortress. In the city,
a^ the houses were burnt, the Indians mounted
upon the blackened walls, and moving along them
were enabled, in that favourable position, to press
on the attack. Thence they could deride all the
efforts of horsemen to dislodge them. So the
contest continued for days. Neither by day nor
by night did they give any rest to the Spaniards,
who were obliged to make perpetual sallies in
order to throw down walls, destroy barricades,
fill up great holes, and break up channels by
which the Indians were letting water in upon
them, so as to produce an artificial inundation.
Thus for six days the warfare continued, until
the Indians gained nearly the whole of the city,
the Spaniards being able only to hold the great
square, and some houses which surrounded it.

Many of the Spaniards now began to look
upon their cause as hopeless. Flight by means
of their horses was comparatively easy ; and there
were not wanting those who counselled the aban-
donment of the city, and the attempt to save their

R

242 FERNANDO PIZARRO'S SPEECH,

own lives, if it could be accomplished by this
sacrifice. Fernando Pizarro, who was as great
in counsel as in war, with a smile replied, ^^ I do
not know, sefiores, why you wish to do this, for
in my mind there is not, and there has not been,
any fear." From shame they did not dare to
declare their thoughts in his presence, and so the
matter passed off until the evening, when he
summoned the chief Spaniards together, and, with
a serene countenance, he thus addressed them:
" I have called you together, seiiores, because it
appears to me that the Indians each day disgrace
us more and more, and I believe that the cause
of this is the weakness that there is in some of
us, which is no little, since you openly maintain
that we should give up the city. Wherefore, if
you, Juan Pizarro, give such an opinion, how is
it that you had courage to defend the city against
Almagro, when he sought to rebel ? and as for
you," turning to the treasurer, " it would appear
a very ugly thing for you to talk in this fashion,
since you have charge of the royal fifths, and are
obliged to give account of them with the same
obligation that he is to give account of the for-
tress. For you other senores, who are alcaldes

THE PERUVIANS ARE TYRANTS. 243

and regidors^ to whom the execution of the laws
is committed in this city, it is not for you to com-
mit such a great folly that you should deliver it
into the hands of these tyrants."

Words have been often misused in speeches,
but never more, perhaps, than in calling the Peru-
vians, who came to take possession of their own,
" these tyrants."

Then he spoke of his own duties. ^^ It would
be a sad tale to tell of me," he exclaimed, " were
it to be said that Fernando Pizarro, from any
motive of fear, had abandoned the territory which
his brother, Don Francisco Pizarro, had conquered
and colonized. Wherefore, gentlemen, in the
service of God and of the King, sustaining your
houses and your estates, die, rather than desert
them. If I am left alone, I will pay with my life
the obligation which lies upon me, rather than
have it said that another gained the city, and
that I lost it." He then reminded them of
the commonplace remark, " that with vigour
that which appears impossible is gained, and
without vigour even that which is easy appears
difficult."

The courage of the assembled Spaniards an-

244 BE SOLVE OF THE SPANIARDS.

swered to this bold appeal; and, as it was now
agreed upon to defend the city to the utmost,
Fernando did not hesitate in putting the worst
before them. He said, *^ The men are worn out,
the horses are exhausted, and, in the state in which
we are, it is impossible to hold the city two days
longer, wherefore it is necessary to lose all our
lives or to gain the fortress. That being gained,
the city is secure. To-morrow morning I must
go with all the horsemen that can be mustered,
and take that fortress." They answered that the
horsemen were ready to a man, to die with him,
or to succeed in that enterprise. Upon this, Juan
Pizarro, wounded as he was, claimed the principal
part in the next day's action, saying, '' It was my
fault that the fortress was not occupied, and I said
that I would take it whenever it should be ne-
cessary to do so. Ill would it, therefore, appear,
if while I am alive any other person should
undertake the duty for me."

Fernando Pizarro consented. This question of
leadership being settled, and two subordinates
having been chosen, Juan Pizarro lost no time in
selecting a company of fifty men for the work of
the morrow, the three captains being himself, his

ILL OMEN FOR THEM. 245

brother Gonzalo, and a cavalier named Fernando
Ponce.

Very early In the morning the fifty men, with
their leaders, were drawn up in the great square.
Fernando Pizarro addressed some parting advice
to his brother Juan, — namely, that, when out of
the town, he should take the royal road from
Cusco to Los Keyes, and should not turn until he
had gone about a league, for, although the fort-
ress was very near, so many holes had been dug,
and barricades thrown up by the Indians, that
there was no hope of taking the fortress except by
coming round on the far side of it.

Fernando Pizarro had hardly finished giving
this advice, when a body of Indians came down
with the intent of taking a fort which had been
made as a place of refuge from the great square,
and which overlooked the whole of it. The two
sentinels on guard at this fort were asleep — a
thing not to be wondered at, considering the
fatigues of the last few days, — and before any
succour could be given, the Indians had mastered
the fort. The day, therefore, began with an ill
omen for the Spaniards.

Fernando Pizarro ordered in great haste some

246 SPANIARDS ATTACK AND TAKE

active foot-soldiers to retake this fort, which they
soon succeeded in doing. When this had been
accomplished, Fernando united all his forces,
horse and foot, to gain possession of a very strong
barricade which the Indians had thrown up, in
order to prevent the Spaniards from going out of
the city in the direction of the plain. A body of
twenty thousand Indians from the district of
Chinchasuyo kept this barricade. It was fortu-
nate for the Spaniards that the Indians had not
delayed their attack upon the fort until a little
later in the day, for, by this movement towards
the barricade, Fernando Pizarro was obliged to
leave the great square nearly undefended. But
the main body of the Indians had not yet come
down from their quarters to commence their usual
attacks upon the city.

When the Chinchasuyans who had the charge
of the barricade saw the Spaniards advancing
upon them in full force, some of them shouted
out to one another, ^^ Those Christians who have
the good horses are flying, and the others which
remain are the sick. Let us allow these to draw
off, and then we shall be able to kill them all."
This plan of suffering the Spaniards to divide

THE CHINCHASUYAN BARRICADE. 247

their forces may have had some effect in weaken-
ing the resistance of the Indians at the barricade ;
still they fought on with great bravery, but they
could not prevent the fifty horsemen making their
way out of the city. The rest of the Spaniards
returned with all haste to the grand square ; for
a column of the enemy — from the same division,
I conjecture, which had once captured the fort in
the morning — came down again to make another
attack on it, having seen or heard the skirmish
at the Chinchasuyan barricade. Fernando Pi-
zarro, whose part in the conflict it was to make
decisive charges on critical occasions, rushed out
with his men, and soon put the Indians to flight,
for, as the main body of the enemy was still asleep
in their quarters, this one watchful division could
not alone resist Pizarro's charge.

Meanwhile Juan Pizarro had conducted his
men along the royal road to Los Reyes; and,
after proceeding as far as had been previously
agreed upon, had turned to the right, had fought
his way along the ridges wherever he had en-
countered any enemy, had come down upon the
open ground before the fortress, and so established
a communication between himself and his brother

248 JUAN PIZARBO

in the city. The Indians posted between the
fortress and the city decamped, some throwing
themselves into the fortress, and others into other
strong positions.

The communication was now so complete, that
Fernando Pizarro was able to reinforce his
brother with all the Spanish foot-soldiers and the
friendly Indians. At the same time he sent
Juan word on no account to make the attack
upon the fortress until nightfall, for the enemy
were so many, and the position so strong, that
the Spaniards could gain no honour in the attack.
Fernando also begged his brother not to ad-
venture his own person in the fight; for on
account of the wound which Juan had already
received, he could not put on his morion, and
Fernando said it would be absolute madness to go
into battle without that. Juan Pizarro did not
adopt his brother's advice ; for though he made
a show of preparation as if he were going to
bivouac upon the plain for the night, it was only
a feint, and when he saw that the Indians were
less on their guard, he gave orders for a sudden
attack upon some strong positions in front of the
fortress. Gonzalo Pizarro was entrusted with

ATTACKS THE FORTRESS. 249

a troop to make this attack. When the Indians
saw the Spaniards moving upwards^ they came
down upon them in such a multitude, that Gon-
zalo Pizarro and his men could not even succeed
in approaching these fortified outposts. Indeed,
the Spaniards began to give way before the
weight of numbers, when Juan Pizarro, " not
being able to endure " this check, hurried onwards
to support his brother. The men, animated by
this sight, for Juan and Gonzalo fought in the
front rank, rushed forwards, and succeeded in
taking these strong positions, so that they found
themselves now under the walls of the principal
building. Juan Pizarro, not satisfied with this
partial success, made a bold dash at the entrance
into the fortress. This entrance was an outwork
projecting from the body of the fortress, enclosed
on each side by two low walls, but open at the
top, so that it might be thoroughly commanded
from the battlements, having an outer gate cor-
responding with the principal gate of the fortress.
The walls which formed this outwork had roofs
to them, doubtless in order that those of the be-
sieged who had to defend the post might be
under cover, while their assailants were exposed

250 DEATH OF JUAN PIZARRO.

to missiles from the higher parts of the building.
Beneath this outwork the crafty Indians liad
recently dug a deep pitfall. But, unfortunately
for them, as they came flying in from the pursuit
of the Spaniards, they fell one upon another,
heaped together in such a manner that " they
filled up with their own bodies that which their
own hands had made." Juan Pizarro, still fight-
ing in front, advanced upon this road made for
him by the bodies of his enemies ; but just as he
entered, a stone, hurled from the heights of the
fortress, descended upon his unprotected head,
and laid him senseless on the spot. His men re-
covered, and bore off the body of their commander,
in which life was not extinct ; though the wound
was of a fatal nature, for Juan Pizarro never rose
from his couch again.

After this great check, Gonzalo Pizarro, on
whom the command had now devolved, did what
he could to reanimate his men ; but his efforts
were of no avail. The numbers of the enemy
brought to bear upon the points of attack con-
tinued to increase, and the Spaniards were obliged
to draw off from the fortress. The following
morning, however, the indomitable Fernando

UBIQUITY OF FERNANDO, 251

made a circuit of the stronghold of the Indians,
and, seeing that it was surrounded by a very
high wall, came to the conclusion, that, without
scaling-ladders, there was no hope of taking the
place. The whole of the day, therefore, was
spent in making scaling-ladders by all those who
could be spared for that service. They were not
many who could be spared, for the enemy gave
Gonzalo Plzarro and Fernando Ponce no rest all
day, endeavouring to force the strong position
which these commanders occupied. The Indians
in the fortress did all they could by words and
signs to animate their friends, even calling by
name upon particular chiefs to come to the res-
cue ; but the Spaniards maintained their posi-
tions.

That day Fernando Pizarro was to be seen
everywhere throughout the Spanish quarters.
He knew that not only the existence of all the
Spaniards who were there, but that the security
of the Spanish empire in that part of the world
was in peril. Here, he hurried with his small
party of reserve, and left them ; there, alone, he
threw himself into some post where the effect of
his personal presence was wanted. The contest

252 PERUVIANS REINFORCED,

grew so furious and the shouts so loud (the In-
dians, like all partially civilized people, were
great shouters in war), that it seemed ^^ as if the
whole world was there in fiercest conflict."

The Inca, whose position was at a spot about
three leagues distance from Cusco, was not in-
active. Knowing that the fortress was besieged,
and being as well aware as Pizarro how important
the possession of that stronghold was, he sent a
reinforcement of five thousand of his best soldiers.
These fresh troops pressed the Spaniards very-
hard. They not only fought with the animation
of untired men ; but all the energy that fanati-
cism could give them, was called forth to succour
Villaoma, their Chief Priest, who was within the
fortress.

In the city itself the battle languished, for
though some encounters took place there in the
course of the day, the best part of the Indian
troops were fighting round the fortress. This
was an oversight on the part of the Indian ge-
nerals. More pressure on the Spanish posts in
the grand square would have compelled the with-
drawal of some of the Spaniards engaged in in-
vesting the fortress; and when the contending

SCALING-LADDERS USED. 253

parties are greatly unequal in point of numbers,
to multiply the points of attack is a mode of
warfare which must tell disastrously against the
less numerous party.

The day went on without either side having
apparently gained or lost much. But the Spa-
niards had maintained their positions, while the
scaling-ladders were being made. These being
finished, Fernando Pizarro and the foot-soldiers
commenced their attack at the hour of vespers.
This was an excellent disposition of the troops.
The horsemen could fight, as they had been
fighting all day, to clear the ground about the
place, while the hardy foot-soldiers, fitter for the
work of scaling the fortress, must have seemed
almost a new enemy to the beleaguered Indians.
Fernando and his men pressed up to the walls
with the utmost fury and determination. The
conflict had now lasted about thirty hours, and
the reinforcements of Indians had not succeeded
in making their way into the fortress. The suc-
cour most wanted there was fresh ammunition.
Stones and darts began to grow scarce amongst
the besieged ; and Villaoma, seeing the fury of
his new enemies, resolved to fly. Communicating

254 FLIGHT OF THE HIGH PRIEST

his intentions to some of his friends, with them
he made his way out of the fortress at the part
which looked towards the river. The ground
there was very precipitous, but there were some
winding passages in the rocks, so constructed that
they were invisible to the Spaniards below, but
which were known to the Peruvians. Taking
this secret route, Villaoma and his friends made
good their flight, without being perceived by the
Spaniards ; and, when beyond the walls of the
fortress, Villaoma collected and drew off the
division of his army which consisted of the Chin-
chasuyan Indians. From thence the recreant
High Priest went to his master the Inca, who,
when he heard the ill news, was ready to die of
grief.

At the time Villaoma fled, the fortress was
not altogether lost. In it there remained an
Indian chief of great estimation amongst his
people, one of those who had drunk out of the
o;olden vases, and with whom were all the rest
of the gallant men who had pledged themselves
in the like simple but solemn manner. The
whole night through these devoted men main-
tained their position. Fernando Pizarro's efforts

A BEAVE INDIAN CHIEF. 255

throughout those eventful hours were such as
desperation only could inspire ; and, as the day
dawned, he had the satisfaction of perceiving that
the defence of the Indians began to slacken, not
that their brave hearts were daunted, but that
the magazine of stones and arrows was fairly
exhausted.

The fate of the beleaguered Indians was now
clear to all beholders, to none clearer than to
themselves ; still this nameless captain gave no
signs of surrender. ^' There is not written of any
Koman such a deed as he did." These are the
honest words of the Spanish narrator. Traversing
all parts of the fortress with a club in his hand,
wherever he saw one of his warriors who was
giving way, he struck him down, and hurled his
body upon the besiegers. He himself had two
arrows in him, of which he took no more account
than if they were not there. Seeing at last that
it was not an Indian here and there who was
giving way, but that the whole of his men were
exhausted, and that the Spaniards were pressing
up on the scaling-ladders at all points, he per-
ceived that the combat was hopeless* One wea-
pon alone remained to him, his club. That he

25(y THE FORTRESS ENTERED.

dashed down upon the besiegers; and then, as
a last expression of despair, taking earth in his
hands, he bit it, and rubbed his face with it,*
" with such signs of anguish and heartsickness
as cannot be described." Having thus expressed
his rage and his despair, resolving not to behold
the enemy's entrance, he hurled himself, the last
thing he had to hurl, from the height down upon
the invaders, that they might not triumph over
him, and that he might fulfil the pledge he had
given when he drank from the golden vases. The
hero of the Indians having thus perished, no pre-
tence of further resistance could be made. Fer-
nando Pizarro and his men made good their
entrance, and disgraced their victory by putting
the besieged to the sword, who were in number
above fifteen hundred.

Such was the dismay occasioned among the
Peruvians by the capture of the fortress, that
they deserted their positions near the city, and
retired to their encampments, which were well
fortified. The next morning Fernando Pizarro

* " And they rent every one his mantle, and sprinkled
pust upon their heads toward heaven." — Job ii. 12.

SIEGE OF CUSCO RENEWED, 257

sallied forth and became the assailant, and the
slaughter of the Peruvians was immerile, day
after day.

It was, however, soon found that the Indians
had desisted from attacking the city not from ill-
success only, but from being called away by cer-
tain religious ceremonies; for, having completed
their sacrificial rites, they recommenced the siege,
but this time under very different auspices. The
Spaniards now not only occupied the fortress, but
had extended their works beyond the city; and
the Indians were not able to gain an entrance
into any part of it. This second and futile siege
lasted twenty days, when the new moon again
compelled them to withdraw to perform their re-
ligious rites. Fernando Pizarro again became the
assailant, and the slaughter of the Peruvians was
immense ; yet, upon the completion of their cere-
monial sacrifices, they again returned ; when the
Spanish commander took a terrible resolve. He
gave orders to all his men that they should slay
every Indian woman they came up with, in order
that the survivors might not dare to come and serve
their husbands and their children. This cruel
scheme was so successful, that the Indians aban-

s

258 POSITION OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO,

doned the siege, fearing to lose their wives, and
the wives fearing death.

Fernando Pizarro was now at liberty to ascer-
tain what had become of his brother the Marquis
at Los Reyes. He had already conceived it pro-
bable that Los Reyes had been invested at the
same time as Cusco. It was possible that his
brother had not been able to drive back the be-
siegers. The Spaniards, in their attacks upon
the Indians who were now retreating, came upon
some fragments of letters that had been seized by
them, and found that succour had been sent from
Los Reyes ; and, by torture, they learned further
that various parties had been sent to their aid
during the siege, which had all been intercepted;
and that the Inca had, as trophies, two hundred
heads of Christians, and one hundred and fifty
skins of horses. The Indians who were tortured
believed, likewise, that the Governor with all his
people had embarked from Los Reyes and deserted
the country.

But Francisco Pizarro was not reduced to such
straits as those.

When, Indeed, at the beginning of the siege of
Cusco, the various parties, amounting to two hun-

LOS REYES INVESTED. 259

dred men and a great number of horses, which he
had sent to the assistance of his brothers, were
cut off, and he could gain no intelligence whatever
from Cusco, he felt his position to be most critical.
He summoned back one of his principal captains,
whom he had sent in another direction. He wrote
to Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, New Spain,
and to the audiencia in Hispaniola, praying for
instant succour. Indeed, he offered Alvarado
that, if he would come to his rescue, he would
leave him the land of Peru, and would himself
return to Panama or Spain.

Meanwhile the Indians, to the number of fifty
thousand, and under the command of a great chief
named Teyyupangui, began to invest Los Reyes.
Pizarro made his preparations. The Indians ad-
vanced towards the town, and forced their way
over the walls and into the streets ; their general,
with a lance in his hand, advancing in front of his
men. But, as the ground was level, the Spanish
cavaliers were enabled to act with all the tre-
mendous superiority which their arms, their horses,
and their armour gave them. Their success was
instantaneous. Unfortunately for the Indians,
Teyyupangui and the principal men who sur-

260 DEFEAT OF THE PERUVIANS,

rounded him were slain in this first encounter.
The loss of their general entirely dispirited the
Indian forces. The Spaniards, following up
their advantage, drove the enemy back to the foot
of the sierra which overlooked the town; and
Pizarro, on the succeeding night, would have
stormed the heights where the Indians had taken
refuge ; but he received intelligence that they had
broken up their camp, and had fled. This was
the end of the siege of Los Reyes.

Immediate steps were now taken for the relief
of Fernando Pizarro at Cusco ; but, as the num-
ber of men that could be spared was but small,
the commander was not to move on to Cusco
until he should receive reinforcements.

In the meantime, Fernando Pizarro had delivered
himself, and supposing himself to be alone in the
country, had not ceased to press the Indians with
all the vigour possible. The result was that the
Indians began to give up the contest.

Rumours now arose that Almagro was return-
ing from Chili. This was first communicated by
the Indian captives, and they threatened Fernando
Pizarro and his men, saying that the Adelantado
was coming, and he was their friend, and intended

COMPLETION OF THE CONQUEST. 261

to kill all the Spaniards of Cusco. And in about
two months' time there arrived certain intelligence
that the Adelantado^ with five hundred Spaniards,
was within seven leagues of Cusco.

The conquest of Peru may be said to have
been now completed. The sieges of Cusco and
Los Reyes show that it was not such an easy task
as some historians have supposed ; they manifest
great valour on the part of the Peruvian Indians,
and, moreover, give an instance, of the many to
be met with, that the second great resistance of a
conquered people is often the most difficult to
overcome. The internal dissensions of the Peru-
vians, which were at their height when Pizarro
first arrived in the country, must be considered
as having furnished no slight aid to the Spaniards ;
and. in the absence of such dissensions, the con-
quest might have been deferred for many years.
Each year the Peruvians would have attained
more skill in resisting horsemen; and, as it has
been observed before, horses were the chief means
of conquest which the Spaniards possessed. How
completely the Peruvians were dismayed by horses
may be inferred from the fact that, when they
had these animals in their power, they put them

262 THE HORSE A CAUSE OF TERROR.

to death, instead of attempting to make use of
them. There is no good evidence to show that
a single horse was spared, wlien the Inca's troops
succeeded in overpowering the cavalry that was
sent by Pizarro to reinforce his brothers at
Cusco.

CHAPTER IV.

Almagro returns from Chili, claims Cusco — Fernayido Pi-
zarro negotiates with him — Almagro treacherously enters
Cusco hy night — Imprisons the brothers Pizarro, and de-
feats Francisco Pizarro's commander, Alonzo de Alva-
rado.

HE return of Almagro from Chili was
not much to be wondered at. From
the first landing of Pizarro, to the
taking of Cusco, the advance of the Spaniards
had been little other than a triumphant march.
Conquerors had been borne along in hammocks
on the shoulders of obsequious Indians, to rifle
temples plated with gold : but the advance into
Chili was an enterprise of a different kind. Al-
magro and his men went by the sierras and re-
turned by the plains. In both journeys they had
great hardships to suffer. In the snowy passes

264 REl'URN OF ALMAGRO FROM CHILL

men and horses had been frozen to death ; and on
their return by the plain they had been obliged
to traverse a horrible region, called the desert
of Atacama, which could only be passed with
the greatest difficulty.

On what pretext did they return, as there were
no new circumstances to justify such a course?
The despatches from Spain, appointing Almagro
governor of New Toledo, only reached him after
he had commenced his journey into Chili ; but he
had been informed of their contents before, and
he had taken that solemn oath, when the host was
broken by the two governors, in perfect cogniz-
ance of his rights. The revolt of the Indians
was made known to him ; but it cannot be for a
moment assumed that this was the real cause of
his return.

It is very likely that the question of the limits
of his government was often renewed and dis-
cussed by his men and officers in the course
of their march and over their watch-fires, and
being discussed with all the passion and prejudice
of eager partisans, it is very probable that there
was not a man in Almagro's little army who did
not think that Cusco fell within the limits of his

LIMITS OF HIS GOVERNMENT, 265

commander's government. Their misery doubt-
less sharpened their prejudices, and Almagro's
weary, frost-bitten men must have sighed for the
palatial splendours and luxuries of Cusco ; which
they had foolishly given up, as they would have
said, to these Pizarros. Even the mines of Po-
tosi, had they been aware of their existence, would
hardly have proved a sufficient inducement to
detain Almagro's men in Chili. But Potosi was
as yet undiscovered, and Cusco was well known
to every individual in the army. Under such
circumstances, the Mariscal's return may be set
down as faithless, treacherous, or unwise, but it
cannot be considered other than as most natural,
A greater man than Almagro might have carried
his companions onwards, but Almagro was chiefly
great in bestowing largesses, and Chili afforded
no scope for such a commander.

It must not be supposed that the question of
the limits to Pizarro's government was an easy
one, and that it was merely passion and prejudice,
which decided, in the minds of Almagro's follow-
ers, that Cusco fell within the province of New
Toledo. There were several ways of reckoning
the two hundred and seventy-five leagues which

266 ALMAGEO'S TWO COUNSELLORS.

had been assigned to Pizarro. They might be
measured along the royal road. This would not
have suited Pizarro's followers, who contended
that the leagues were to be reckoned as the crow
flies. ^^ Even if so," replied Almagro's partisans,
"the line is not to be drawn from north to south,
but from east to west." They also contended
that these leagues might be measured on the sea-
coast, in which case the sinuosities of the coast
line would have to be taken into account. In
short, it was a question quite sufficiently dubious
in itself to admit of prejudice coming in on
both sides with all the appearance of judicial
impartiality.

However that may be, Almagro and his men
took the fatal step of returning to maintain their
supposed rights, which step a nicer sense of
honour would have told them that they had,
whether wisely or not, abandoned, when they
quitted Cusco.

The two counsellors who had most influence
over Almagro's mind were men whose dispositions
presented a strange and violent contrast. One
was Diego de Alvarado, a person of the utmost
nobility of nature and, at the same time, delicacy

HE NEGOTIATES WITH THE INCA. 267

of character. The other adviser was Eodrigo de
Orgonez, a hard, fierce, fanatic soldier, who had
served in the wars of Italy. The conduct of the
governor varied according to the advice listened
to from one or other of these widely-different
counsellors. The mild counsels of Alvarado were
listened to in the morning; and some unscrupulous
deed, prompted probably by Orgofiez, was trans-
acted in the evening.

What effect their approach must have had upon
Fernando Pizarro and his immediate adherents
may be easily imagined. For many months he
and his men had scarcely known what it was to
have two days of rest. The efforts of the Indians
were now slackening; and just at this moment
there arrived an enemy who was to replace the
softly-clad and poorly-armed Indians by men with
arms, spirit, and accoutrements equal to those of
the Spaniards of Cusco, and in numbers greatly
superior.

The first movement, however, of the Mariscal
was not directed against the Spaniards in Cusco.
Previously to attacking them he strove to come
to terms with their enemy, the Inca Manco. Had
he succeeded in this politic design, he would then

268 ALMAGRO AND FERNANDO PIZARRO.

have been able to combine the Inca's forces with
his own, and would also have had the appearance
of having intervened to settle the w^ar between
the Indians and the Spaniards. This plan, how-
ever, failed. Meanwhile Fernando Pizarro had
made several attempts to negotiate with Almagro,
or at least to penetrate his designs. He endea-
voured, by messengers, to lay before the Mariscal
some of the motives which should regulate his
conduct at this crisis, saying how much it would
be for the service of God that peace should be
maintained between them : if it were not, they
would all be lost, and the Inca would remain
lord of the whole country. He offered Almagro
to receive him in the city with all honour, saying
that Almagro's own quarters were prepared for
him; but, before all things, Fernando Pizarro
urged that a messenger might be sent to the
Marquis, in order that he might come and settle
matters amicably, and that, meanwhile, the Maris-
cal should enter the town with all his attendants.
To this message an evasive reply was sent by
Almagro, who, on a Monday, the 18th of April,
1537, made his appearance, with all his people,
and pitched his camp at a league's distance from
Cusco.

ALMAGRO CLAIMS CUSCO. 269

Fernando Pizarro invited him again to enter
the city as a friend. To this Almagro haughtily
replied, " Tell Fernando Pizarro that I am not
going to enter the city, except as mine, or to
lodge in any lodgings but those where he is," —
meaning that he would occupy the governor's
apartments. Fernando Pizarro sent another
message, pointing out to Almagro the danger to
be apprehended from the revolted Indians, and
begging that there might be amity between them
until the Marquis should arrive. To this Al-
magro replied that he had authority from the
king as governor, and that he was determined
to enter Cusco. Having said this, Almagro ad-
vanced nearer, encamping within a crossbow shot
of the city. Both sides now prepared for battle ;
but Fernando Pizarro, whose prudence through-
out these transactions is very remarkable, called
a council; and it was agreed by them that an
alcalde with two regidors should go to Almagro's
camp to demand of him, on the part of the Em-
peror, that he should not disturb the city, but
that, if he had powers from his Majesty, he should
present them before the council, in order that
they might see whether his Majesty had con-

270 ALMAGRO'S CLAIMS DISPUTED,

ferred upon him the governorship of that city.
As Fernando Pizarro had procured the powers,
and brought them from Spain, he knew very well
what they contained ; but it was a reasonable
request that the grounds upon which Almagro
sought to enter the town should be laid before
the governing body.

Almagro, especially if he listened at all to
Diego de Alvarado, could not well refuse his
assent to this proposition. Accordingly a truce
was made for that day and until the next at noon.
Early on the ensuing morning Almagro sent his
powers to be laid before the Town Council, but
demanded that Fernando Pizarro, as an interested
party, should absent himself from the council.
Fernando Pizarro conceded this point. The
powers were formally laid before the alcaldes and
the regidors, who, taking into council a graduate,
perhaps Valverde himself, pronounced against
Almagro's claims, — they desired that the division-
line of the respective governments should be
made, and that, until this should be settled by
" pilots," Almagro should not give room for such
a great scandal as forcing an entrance into the
city, which they declared would be the ruin of

HE RESOLVES TO SURPRISE CUSCO. 271

all parties. ^^ If," they sald^ *^ when the division
has been settled, this city should fall within the
limits of Almagro's government, they would be
ready to receive him as governor, but upon any
other footing they would not receive him."

Almagro, having received this spirited and sen-
sible decision of the council, gave orders to his
men, it being now mid-day, to prepare themselves
for making an attack upon Cusco. Fernando
Pizarro gave similar orders for the defence of the
city. At this last moment the royal treasurer,
and a licentiate named Prado, went out of the
town and succeeded in prevailing upon Almagro
to extend the time of the truce to the hour of
vespers on the Wednesday in that same week,
Almagro saying that he wished to prove how
Cusco fell within his limits.

That evening Almagro, to his great dishonour,
must have listened to his less scrupulous coun-
sellor, for he resolved to surprise the city.

Fernando Pizarro, who was a perfect cavalier^
was completely at his ease that night, expecting
now that he and Almagro would be able to come
to terms, until he should have time to let the
Marquis know what was passing. At midnight

272 TREACHEROUS SEIZURE OF CUSCO.

there was a disturbance in Almagro's camp, it
being given out that the bridges which led to
the city were broken down. Immediately the
soldiers shouted, ^^ Almagro, Almagro ! Let the
traitors die ! " and they rushed over all the four
bridges, not one of which was broken down, into
the great square. Thence they spread themselves
into the streets, Orgoiiez with a large body of
troops making his way to the governor's apart-
ments, still shouting, ^^ Almagro, Almagro ! " Fer-
nando Pizarro was in bed when the alarm was
given. He had time, however, to put on his
armour Fifteen men alone remained with him
and his brother Gonzalo. Fernando placed him-
self at one door of the palace, Gonzalo at another ;
but the palace was as large as a church, and the
doorways were proportionately large, without
doors to them. The building was set on fire.
Of their fifteen comrades several were cut down,
fighting by their side, and it was not until the
roof began to fall in that these brave Pizarros,
overpowered by numbers, were overcome and
made prisoners.

Almagro took formal possession of Cusco as its
governor, and began to persecute those who held

ALMAGRO FORGES A LETTER, 273

with the Pizarros. Meanwhile Alonzo de Alva-
rado, the commander whom Francisco Pizarro
had sent out for the relief of Ciisco from the
Indians, was waiting at Xauxa for orders and
reinforcements. Francisco Pizarro had now re-
ceived men and arms from all parts of Spanish
America. He lost no time in sending on these
succours to Alonzo de Alvarado, and would have
gone himself, but that the citizens of Los Reyes
had insisted that, on account of his age, he should
not undertake this expedition.

Alonzo de Alvarado, on his way to Cusco,
learned what had happened there and how the
Mariscal was now in possession of the city. Al-
magro, on his side, learned from Alvarado's letters
to Fernando Pizarro that he was coming ; and,
not supposing that Alvarado knew of what had
happened, sent a forged letter in Fernando Pi-
zarro's name, to say that he had been able to
maintain his position, and to suggest that Alva-
rado should take a certain route which he men-
tioned. This route Almagro knew would lead
into a defile, where he hoped to be able to dis-
arm Alvarado's men easily. Alvarado was only
amused at such an attempt to deceive him. Al-

T

274 ALMAGRO ATTACKS ALVARADO.

magro now tried by an embassage to treat with
Alonzo de Alvarado. Alvarado, though he wished
to show much courtesy to these friends of Al-
magro, and begged them to excuse him, took
away their arms, and placed them in confine-
ment.

Almagro, receiving no answer to his embassage,
moved out from Cusco to the bridge of Aban9ay,
where Alonzo de Alvarado had taken up his
position. He had not omitted, since his occu-
pation of Cusco, to attempt to come to terms
with the Peruvians. Failing, however, in nego-
tiating with Manco Inca he had given the borla
to Manco's brother PauUo, whose Indians now
proved very serviceable. At this juncture Alva-
rado sent fourteen horsemen to inform the Marquis
of all that had happened. There were many
desertions from Alvarado to Almagro's camp.
Pedro de Lerma, the second in command, went
over to Almagro, w^hose forces, independently of
the Indians, far outnumbered those of Alvarado.
After much fruitless negotiation nothing was left
but an appeal to arms. Accordingly, an attack
on Alvarado's position was made at nightfall.
The treachery of the men on that side was

EASILY DEFEATS HIM. 275

flagrant, and Almagro had not much difficulty
in gaining a complete victory. Alvarado sur-
rendered, and narrowly escaped being put to death
by Orgonez,

Almagro's troops, flushed with success, declared
that they would not leave one "Pzz«rro" (a slate)
to stumble over. The counsel, given by Orgonez,
always the most uncompromising that could be
thought of, was to kill the Pizarros and march
at once to Los Keyes. The plan of marching
upon Los Reyes was so far adopted, that it was
proclaimed by sound of trumpet that all should
prepare themselves for the march. There were,
however, persons in Almagro's camp who had
wives and families at Los Reyes, and they did
not approve of this proposal. After the matter
had remained two days in doubt it was resolved
to return to Cusco. When they arrived there,
Almagro issued a proclamation that no inhabit-
ants of that city should make use of his Indians :
for he, the Governor, suspended the repartimientos^
as the Bishop of Cusco remarks, not wishing that
any one should have anything for certain, until
he himself should make the general repartimiento.
This led to the greatest disorder, as no one had

276 DEFEAT OF MANCO INC A.

any certain interest in the welfare of any of the
Indians, and consequently the Spaniards behaved
to them with careless insolence and cruelty.*
The next thing that was resolved upon at Cusco
was for Orgonez to make an attack upon the
rebel Inca, which he did with great success,
coming so close upon him that he made himself
master of a golden ornament, called '^ the sun,"
which was greatly venerated among the Indians,
and which Orgonez brought home for Paullo.
Thus, in every way Almagro's faction was
triumphant.

* A rienda suelta, " with loose bridle," as the Bishop

says.

CHAPTER V.

Negotiations hetween the Marquis and the Mariscal respectir>g
the Boundaries of their Governments — The Renewal of
Hostilities — Fernando Pizarro takes the Command of his
Brother's Army.

EANWHILE the whole family of Pi-
zarro were in great sadness and afflic-
tion. Fernando and Gonzalo must have
heard in their prison the joyous return of those
who had conquered their friends ; and the Mar-
quis, who did not even yet know the worst, when
he received the news brought him by Alvarado's
fourteen horsemen, broke out into loud complaints
of his ill fortune. He sent orders at once to
Alvarado not to move on to Cusco ; but before
his messengers had left Los Keyes the fatal battle
of Aban9ay had taken place. When Pizarro
heard of this he resolved to send an embassage to

278 NEGOTIATIONS WITH ALMAGRO.

treat with Almagro. The persons he chose were
the factor Ulan Suarez de Carvajal^ the licentiate
Gaspar de Espinosa, Diego de Fuenmayor, a
brother of the president of the Audiencia at San
Domingo, and the licentiate de la Gama,

When these important personages had arrived
at Cusco they found that they could make no way
in their mission. Almagro said that he would not
give up a hand's-breadth of the land which his
Majesty had conferred upon him, and that he was
determined to go to Los Keyes and take posses-
sion of that city. Diego de Fuenmayor produced
an ordinance from the Audihicia of San Domingo,
which had been prepared in contemplation of the
probability of these feuds. But Almagro made
light of this authority. The exhortations of Gas-
par de Espinosa met with no better fate; and
yet, if there were any one to whom Almagro
might be expected to listen, it was this licentiate.
He had been a partner in the original enterprise
of Pizarro and Almagro. He was a man of great
experience in colonial affairs. He had been judge
In Vasco Nunez's case, and was not likely to un-
derrate the evils arising from the infraction of
authority. '^ Are not, in truth," he said, "these

THEIR FAILURE. 279

regions wide enough to extend your authority in,
without, for the sake of a few leagues more or
less, doing that which will irritate Heaven, offend
the King, and fill the world with scandals and
disasters ? "

But Almagro held firm to his resolve of main-
taining what he considered to be his rights:
whereupon Espinosa exclaimed, '^ Well, then, Se-
nor Adelantado, that will come to pass here which
the old Castilian proverb speaks of, ^ The con-
quered conquered, and the conqueror ruined.'"*

Espinosa fell ill and died at Cusco; and the
embassage proved entirely abortive. There is
this to be said in defence of Almagro's conduct,
that it was impossible for him now to do anything
which was not full of danger and difficulty. Fi-
nally, he resolved to move forwards to Los Reyes,
carrying Fernando Pizarro with him, and leaving
Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonzo de Alvarado at
Cusco, in the charge of a numerous body of
guards. When Almagro halted in the valley of
Lanasca, news reached him that Gonzalo Pizarro
and the other prisoners had bribed their guards

* " El vencido vencido, y el Yencedor perdldo."

280 PIZABRO RECEIVES ASSISTANCE.

and had escaped. Never was the life of Fernando
Pizarro in greater danger. At Chincha Almagro
again halted^ and founded a new town, which was
called after his own name.

Meanwhile, a favourable turn had taken place
in the fortunes of the Marquis Pizarro, w^ho was
at Los Reyes. Auxiliaries had now come to him
from the different quarters to which he had ap-
pealed for assistance.

Almagro, having been informed of the nature
and number of Pizarro's forces, abandoned at
once his plan of advancing to Los Reyes.

Pizarro's moderation and prudence were not
abated by his growing strength in men and arms.
(Men rather hecame his enemies than were made
so). In obscurity at Panama, and now in power
at Los Reyes, he is always patient, much endur-
ing, and what is often termed weak. He now
resisted the vehement counsels of those captains
who were smarting from their recent defeat at the
bridge of Aban^ay; and sought to bring the
question between himself and Almagro to an end
by means of arbitration. Almagro now was in a
humble mood; and so it was agreed that the
Provincial Bobadilla, of the Order of Mercy,

PIZABRO AND ALMAGRO MEET. 281

should be appointed judge of the case ; who, with
the assistance of " pilots," should fix the limits of
the respective governments of New Castillo and
New Toledo.

Bobadilla took up his station at an Indian town
named Mala, midway on the high road between
Los Reyes and Chincha.

Thither he summoned both governors to appear
before him, each to be attended by twelve horse-
men only.

After the Marquis had set out, Gonzalo was
induced by Pizarro's followers to advance with
the army in the direction of Mala; as it was
thought that Almagro's former treachery had put
him beyond the pale of confidence.

When, however, the old companions, Pizarro
and Almagro, met, it was with such tears and
loving words as if nothing hitherto had happened
to disturb their amity ; and there was every pro-
spect of their coming to terms before the sentence
of arbitration should be pronounced. The moving
up, however, of Gonzalo with Pizarro's army
aroused the suspicions of Almagro's troops ; one of
the captains brought a horse to the door where the
Governors were conferring, and contrived to give

282 A TREATY CONCLUDED.

notice to Almagro of the supposed stratagem ;
upon which the Mariscal went down stairs without
taking leave, got upon his horse, and went off
with his friends at full gallop.

The Marquis sent the next day to tell Almagro
that his army had moved without his leave ; but
it was of no avail. The arbiter, however, ordered
certain persons who had been appointed by Al-
magro to appear before him ; and he gave sentence
entirely in Pizarro's favour, declaring that Cusco
was within the two hundred and seventy-five
leagues which the Emperor had assigned as the
extent of Pizarro's government, and that the Ma-
riscal should quit that territory, and go to the land
of his own government.

When this sentence was communicated to the
Mariscal, he declared he would not abide by it ;
and his men held that it was a most unrighteous
judgment. It was, however, so much for the in-
terest of both parties that some amicable conclu-
sion should be arrived at, that negotiations were
again commenced. Finally, a treaty was con-
cluded that Fernando Pizarro should be liberated,
Chincha evacuated ; that Cusco should be put in
deposit until the king should decide ; that Alma-

FERNANDO RELEASED. 283

gro and his people should conquer the country in
one direction, Pizarro and his in the other; lastly,
that Pizarro should give Almagro a ship, which
should be allowed to enter the port of Zangala or
Chincha, wherever the vessel might happen to
touch.

Orgoiiez was furious at this treaty being con-
cluded ; and many of the soldiers fully agreed
with him in the danger of setting Fernando Pi-
zarro free. But Almagro and the friends of peace
were not to be deterred from their resolve. Ac-
cordingly, the Mariscal, proceeding to the place
of Fernando Pizarro's confinement, ordered him
to be released. Immediately they embraced, and
Fernando Pizarro took a solemn oath, pledging
himself to fulfil what had been agreed upon. The
Mariscal then carried him to his house and regaled
him splendidly. All the chief men in the army
visited him. Afterwards they accompanied him
about half a league from the camp, and then took
leave of him.

Almagro sent his son, Don Diego de Almagro,
commonly called el mogo, — "the youth," — in com-
pany with Fernando Pizarro to the Marquis.
Many cavaliers also went with them. The Mar-

284 A MESSENGER FROM SPAIN.

quls lavished courtesies and gifts upon them, and
paid particular attention to Almagro's son. When
these had returned to the camp, Almagro eva-
cuated Chincha, and marched to the valley
of Zangala, where he began to found another
town.

At this time, the very day when Fernando Pi-
zarro had been set at liberty, there suddenly
arrived a messenger from the Court of Spain.
His dispatches were that each of the Governors
should retain whatever they had conquered and
peopled, until any other arrangement should be
made by his Majesty.

This royal order was in the highest degree sa-
tisfactory to the Pizarros, as it seemed to settle
the question in the Marquis's favour with regard
to the occupation of Cusco. Fernando Pizarro
sought leave at this time to return to Spain and
give an account to the Emperor of what had taken
place in Peru ; but his brother would not con-
sent, saying that the Emperor would be better
served by Fernando's staying to help him, the
Marquis, to maintain his government.

Meanwhile, the Mariscal had, according to
agreement, retired from Chincha, and the Mar-

RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. 285

quis went there to seek provisions and to recom-
mence the arrangements with Ahuagro, which
would be necessary in consequence of the new
ordinance from the Court of Spain. On the road
to Chincha the Marquis's troops found the wells
filled up, which they attributed to the Mariscal's
men. When Pizarro had arrived at Chincha, he
sent to Almagro to notify the royal orders to him,
to which the Mariscal replied that these orders
were in his favour, for, from where he was to
Chincha, he had conquered and peopled the
country, and, accordingly, he it was who was
within the limits of his own government, and he
begged that Pizarro would move out of it.

There is no doubt that both sides now believed
themselves to be wronged and affronted. Orgonez
and his party, no doubt, clamoured loudly about
the perfidy of the Pizarros. No sooner had a
treaty been settled than these Pizarros hastened
to recommence hostilities. This came of inju-
dicious clemency.

On the other side, the conduct of the Alma-
gristas was stigmatized by Pizarro's partisans in
the harshest terms. The word they used was
^^ tyranny," taken in the old Greek sense of the

286 THE PASS OF GUAYTARA

unlawful seizure of sovereignty ; and to punish
such tyranny, the whole of Pizarro's army moved
forwards. The Mariscal, being made aware of
this by his spies, withdrew to Guaytdra, a pass in
the sierra, so difficult, that to surmount it was
considered equivalent to passing a great river
three times. Pizarro's troops followed the Alma-
gristas ; but the latter looked upon their position
as impregnable.

Fernando Pizarro, however (probably the great-
est captain of his time in this kind of warfare),
looked nly to where the difficulty was greatest,
and where, therefore, the care of the enemy would
be least ; and this was where the body of Spanish
troops was posted on the height. Early one
evening Fernando Pizarro, taking with him three
hundred of his most active men, made for this part
of the sierra. At the foot of it they dismounted,
and they had now a league of mountain to ascend
— all of it sheer ascent. Moreover, Almagro's
captain was informed of their enterprise (the Al-
magristas were much better served by spies than
the other party); and he and his men waited for
Fernando Pizarro, considering him to be a lost
man. The Marquis stayed at the foot of the

TAKEN BY FERNANDO. 287

sierra, intending to follow if Fernando Pizarro
should gain the pass. And the pass was gained.
With darkness alone to aid them, heavily encum-
bered with arms and armour, being obliged some-
times to climb the more precipitous parts on their
hands and knees, the Indians hurling down great
stones upon them, sometimes sinking in the sand
in such a way that instead of moving forwards
they slid down again, they still contrived to reach
the summit. It was an arduous task for Fernando
Pizarro, a heavy man with ponderous armour,
totally unaccustomed to go on foot ; but his ex-
ertions were so strenuous as to astonish all be-
holders. It happened that five or six of Pizarro's
soldiers gained the height at the same moment.
They shouted " Viva el Eey ! " with such vigour
that the enemy, supposing the whole of the army
was upon them, were panic-stricken, and fled at
once. To show the difficult nature of this pass,
it may be mentioned that it was midday before
the whole three hundred reached the summit.
Fernando Pizarro was greatly delighted with the
success of his enterprise, and held it to be a happy
omen for the future. The Marquis, with the rest
of the troops, were now able at their ease to sur-

288 SNOW SICKNESS.

mount the pass. Almagro and his troops re-
treated, and Pizarro's forces moved onwards in an
irregular and disjointed manner, being informed
that Ahuagro was making his way to Cusco.
After a few days' march, they arrived at the
highest point of a barren w aste, where it rained and
snowed much, and the forces were so scattered
that on that night they had only two hundred
men together.

Now it happened that on that very night the
Almagristas were much nearer to Pizarro's men
than these imagined. Indeed, Almagro's camp
was not more than a league off, and he w^as very
much bent upon making an attack upon Pizarro's
forces. His reason for this was that a large part
of the Marquis's men were new comers, and it
was well known that in the snowy w^astes of
Peru all strangers were apt to suffer from snow-
sickness, experiencing the same sensations as if
they were at sea ; * but Orgonez, for once in his
life cautious, and (as mostly happens when a man
acts or advises against the bent of his own dis-
position) acting wrongly, dissuaded Almagro from

* " Se marean como en uii golfo de mar."

RETREAT OF PIZARRO'S AEMY. 289

an enterprise which would probably have been
fatal to the enemy.

As day broke, Pizarro's army saw the situation
in which they were, and Fernando Pizarro, whose
valour never left his wisdom far behind, coun-
selled instant retreat. Their march had hitherto
been but a disorderly pursuit, whereas the enemy's
forces were in a state of good preparation for im-
mediate action. The Marquis listened to his
brother's advice, and the army retreated to the
valley of lea to recruit themselves. Then the
principal captains besought Pizarro to return to
Los Reyes, as, on account of his age, they said,
he was unfit to endure the labours of such a cam-
paign. The Governor consented; and, leaving
Fernando Pizarro as his representative, returned
to Los Reyes.

CHAPTER VI.

Fernando Pizarro marches to Cusco — The Battle of Salinas
— The Execution of the Mariscal Almagro — Return of
Fernando Pizarro to Spain.

FERNANDO PIZARRO, now placed
in full command, resolved that with
those who would follow him, whether
they were many or whether they were few, he
would go and take possession of that city of Cusco
which he had lost. Marching to the valley of
Lanasca, he halted there and reviewed his men.

Almagro, on the other hand retired to Cusco,
where he made the most vigorous preparations to
withstand the coming attack of Fernando Pizarro.
In Cusco nothing was heard but the sound of
trumpets summoning to reviews, and the hammer-
ing of silver on the anvil, for of that metal it was

FERNANDAS MARCH ON CUSCO. 291

that they made their corselets, morions, and arm-
pieces, which they rendered, by using double the
quantity of silver that they would have of iron, as
strong " as if they had come from Milan." They
resolved to await the attack of Fernando Pizarro
within the city, fortifying it towards that part of
the river where the defences were weak.

Meanwhile Fernando Pizarro was advancing
slowly to Cusco, being so watchful that his men
marched in their armour. Having arrived at a
place called Acha, he rested there five days, for
his men to recover from their fatigue. After-
wards, he proceeded to a spot where there were
three roads, and, to deceive the enemy's scouts,
he proceeded to pitch his camp there. Then,
when information had been carried to Orgonez,
who hastened to occupy a certain pass, Fernando
Pizarro ordered the tents to be struck, marched
the whole night, and occupied the pass at which
the enemy had thought to stop him. Almagro's
captains now changed their plan of remaining in
the city. All that day Fernando Pizarro expected
to meet his enemies in a great plain, which there
is three leagues from Cusco, and, as he did
not find them, he left the royal road with the

292 PREPARATIONS FOE BATTLE

intent of placing himself on an elevated spot
in those plains, which are called the Salt Pits
(Salinas).

Orgonez now moved his own camp to a spot
three quarters of a league from the city, between
a sierra and a river. He himself occupied the
plain with all his cavalry, who wore white vests
over their armour.

Fernando Pizarro also made his preparation for
battle. Over his armour he put on a surcoat or
vest (^ropeta) of orange damask, and in his morion
a tall white feather, which floated over the heads
of all. He did this, not only that he might be
known by his own men, but by those of the op-
posite side, to whom, it is said, he sent notice of
his dress. He had received indignities when in
prison, and was anxious to meet his personal
enemies in the field. He now first sent forward a
notary to make a formal requisition that the city
of Cusco should be delivered up to him ; then he
approached the spot where the enemy had pitched
their camp.

We should judge but poorly of these combats
in Spanish America, if we estimated them accord-
ing to the smallness of the number of men engaged

OBGONEZ OPENS FIRE. 293

on each side, and not according to the depth and
amount of human emotion which they elicited.
There was more passion in the two little armies
now set over against each other than is to be found
in vast hosts of hireling soldiers combating for
objects which they scarcely understand. I have
no doubt the hatred in these bands of Almagristas
and Pizarristas greatly exceeded anything that
was to be found in the ranks of the French and
Spaniards that fought at Pavia.

No answer was vouchsafed by Orgonez to the
formal demand ma^e by Pizarro's notary for the
cession of Cusco ; and the battle commenced by
Almagro's artillery beginning to play upon the
advancino; Pizarristas. At the first discharo-e it
took off two of Fernando Pizarro's foot-soldiers,
but the whole body of the infantry pressed on.
Orgonez drew his men back behind a little hill,
not from a motive of fear, but with the design
of letting some of the troops on the other side
pass the river. Almagro, who was too ill to
enter into the battle himself, but was watching it
from a distance in a litter, construed this movement
most unfavourably for his own fortunes. De-
scending from his litter he got on horseback, and

294 THE BATTLE OF SALINAS.

rode off to Cusco, where he retreated into the
fortress.

The cavalry on both sides were soon mingled
in a hand-to-hand encounter ; and Fernando Pi-
zarro, well known to his enemies^ was conspicuous
in the melee, Pedro de Lerma, with all the fury
of a traitor and a renegade, was the first to make
his way where that white plume towered above
the rest, and to bear down upon its owner.
His lance, however, only struck Pizarro's horse
in the neck, and drove it down upon its knees,
but the more skilful Fernando pierced his ad-
versary with his lance. Pedro de Lerma was,
however, but one of many who had resolved on
that day to chastise the insolence, as they would
have said, of Fernando Pizarro. Though dis-
mounted, Fernando was not injured, and drawing
his sword he fou2:ht with his usual valour.

In the meantime the movement of Orgonez's
cavalry had laid open his infantry to a charge
from the infantry of the Pizarristas under Gon-
zalo Pizarro, which proved most effective; and
this charge was the turning point of the engage-
ment. They fairly turned and fled up the sierra,
eagerly pursued by Gonzalo, who feared lest the

ALMAGRO DEFEATED, 295

fugitives should make themselves strong in
Cusco.

Most of the worsted cavaliers were taken pri-
soners, being protected by persons who knew
them, and were brought before Fernando Pizarro,
who, not listening to private vengeance, in his
clemency spared them all.

Orgonez lay dead upon the field. Fernando
Pizarro sent Alonzo de Alvarado to take the
Mariscal prisoner. He was conducted to the
same apartment in which he had formerly con-
fined Fernando Pizarro, and a promise was given
him that he should be kindly treated and justice
well considered in his case. Access to him was
not denied, until it was found that he was endea-
vouring to gain over Pizarro's captains. A formal
process was instituted against him, which took
nearly four months in its preparation.

This battle of Salinas was fought on the 6th of
April, 1538, five years and a-half after Francisco
Pizarro had first marched to meet Atahuallpa at
Cassamarca.

Fernando Pizarro went to the extreme of gra-
ciousness in his conduct to the vanquished. He
employed a number of Almagro's soldiers, and

296 TREACHERY IN CUSCO.

sent them on different expeditions. The com-
mander of one of these, Pedro de Candia, was
won over by some of these soldiers to contemplate
returning to Cusco to release Almagro

Within the city, too, there was treachery.
Fernando Pizarro learned that there were two
hundred persons banded together to release the
imprisoned Mariscal ; and, moreover, these had
posted friends of theirs at difficult passes on the
road to Los Reyes, in order that they might set
Almagro at liberty, if Fernando Pizarro should
send him to Spain, there to be judged by the
Emperor. Then there came a letter from a man
named Villacastin, an alcalde of Cusco, who had
gone out to visit the Indians, which had been
given in encomienda to him. This man had met
with Pedro de Candia's people, had been ill-treated
by them, and had heard of their intention to resist
Gonzalo Pizarro, who had been sent out to compel
them to proceed on their expedition.

Pizarro now summoned a council of the reo:i-
dors, alcaldes, and some of the captains of best
repute for judgment, and who appeared to him
most dispassionate, and begged them to counsel
him, as men of honour and good judgment, what

SENTENCE OF DEATH ON ALMAGRO. 297

ought to be done, that his Majesty might be
served and the city maintained in peace ; and lest
any of them should not give their opinions in his
presence with perfect freedom, he would prefer
to go out of the council ; but what they should
advise he would carry out. The council came
to the decision that, deserving death as Almagro
did, the lesser evil would be to pass sentence
upon him and to execute the sentence, since, if
this were not done, a great mischief was im-
pending over them. Great was the anguish of the
old decrepit Mariscal upon the sentence of death
being notified to him. He at once appealed from
Fernando Pizarro to the Emperor, but Fernando
would not allow this appeal to be received. He
then besought him, in the most piteous manner, to
spare his life, urging, as a plea for mercy, the great
part he had taken in the early fortunes of Fer-
nando's brother, the Marquis, reminding him also
of his own (Fernando's) release, and that no blood
of the Pizarro family had been shed by him.
Lastly, he bade him consider how old, weak, and
infirm he was, and begged that he would allow
the appeal to go on to the Emperor, so that he
might spend in prison the few and sorrowful days

298 EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO.

which remained for him, to mourn over his sins.
This Fernando Pizarro refused. He said that,
though Almagro's crimes had been very great, he
would not have sentenced him, but would have
sent him to the Emperor, had not the conspi-
racies of his partisans been such as to prevent
that course. Then he told him that he wondered
that a man of such valour should show this fear of
death. To which the other replied, that since our
Lord Jesus Christ feared death, it was not much
that he, a man and a sinner, should fear it. But
Fernando Pizarro would not recede from his pur-
pose, though, it is said, he felt the greatest pity
for Almagro. Pizarro having quitted the apart-
ment, Almagro made his confession ; and being
counselled, as his estate was forfeited for treason,
to leave it by will to the Emperor, he did so.
His worldly and his spiritual affairs being thus
settled, he was strangled in prison, in order to
avoid any outbreak which a public execution
might have caused in Cusco. That there might
be no doubt, however, of his death, the body was
shown in the great square, with the head cut off.
This was on the 8th of July, 1538.

Thus died Almagro, at the age of sixty-five

HIS CHARACTER. 299

years. Like his partner^ the Marquis, he was a
natural son, brought up in ignorance, — for he
could not read. He had all the gifts of a first-
rate common soldier, but seems to have had no
especial ability as a commander. Profusely and
splendidly generous, he had the art of attaching
men to him who were far greater than himself
in most things; and these attachments did not
die out at his death. As men are seldom really
attracted to other men but by some great quality,
Almagro's generosity must have been of that deep
nature which goes far beyond gifts, and where
the recipient perceives that his benefactor loves
as well as benefits him. In watching the career
of Almagro, it is necessary to account in some
such way for the singular affection which he uni-
formly inspired.

As for Fernando Pizarro, it is most probable
that, in this matter, which has darkened his name
with posterity, he had no other intention at first
but that of sending Almagro to Spain for judg-
ment. But the unwise endeavours of Almagro's
own people made it seem a duty to the stern
Fernando to put the Mariscal to death ; and Fer-
nando Pizarro was a man of that mould, upon

300 FERNANDO' S CONDUCT CONSIDERED.

which the speeches of other men, past, present,
and to come, would have but little influence. He
probably foresaw that he would be severely con-
demned for this transaction, and, far from being
deterred on that account, would resolutely beware
of giving way to any feeling for his own reputa-
tion, which might be detrimental to the public
service. His conduct, however, on this occasion,
is one of those things which can never be made
clear, and where a man, let him have acted from
what good motive he may, must go down to
posterity with a grievous stain upon his reputa-
tion.

This execution, like most cruelties, did not en-
sure the desired object: it did not prove final;
but, on the contrary, formed a fresh starting-
point for calamities of still deeper dye.

As on Atahuallpa's death, so on that of the
Mariscal, the funeral rites due to his dignity were
not forgotten. Pizarro's captains were the sup-
porters of Almagro's bier. He was interred
very honourably in the church of '^ Our Lady of
Mercy ; " and the brothers Fernando and Gonzalo
Pizarro put on mourning in honour of the Maris-
cal of Peru.

HE QUELLS A MUTINY, 301

As if to show how little the shedding of blood
avails, the funeral rites were no sooner ended than
the King's officers who had served under Almagro,
namely, the Treasurer, the Contador, and the Vee-
dor, made a formal intimation to Fernando Pizarro
that the government now belonged to them, and
they required him to quit that country. To this
audacious requisition, which was merely reopening
a question which had been settled as Fernando
Pizarro thought, he replied by seizing upon their
persons, and then went out immediately to quell
the mutineers under Pedro de Candia. For this
purpose he took with him eighty horsemen. Many
of the mutineers, when they heard the news of
Almagro's death, and of Fernando's approach,
fled ; and the captains came out of the camp to
receive Fernando Pizarro. With his usual digni-
fied bravery, when he was within half a league of
them, he left his guard behind, and approached
the opposite party, attended only by an alguazil
and a notary. He then took the necessary infor-
mations, and, ascertaining that a captain of his
own, named De Mesa, had been the ringleader of
the revolt, he caused him to be immediately exe-
cuted, while he sent Pedro de Candia, with some

502 FERNANDAS KINDNESS TO INDIANS.

others of the principal captains, to the Marquis,
his brother.

On that same day, Fernando Pizarro busied
himself in giving liberty to many Indian men and
women, whom Pedro de Candia's people had
brought as prisoners in chains ; and he also pro-
vided for their return to their own lands, for
w^hich the poor Indians were very grateful, giving
thanks to their gods, and praising Fernando Pi-
zarro. He appointed Pedro de An9urez as captain
in Pedro de Candia's room ; and, still fearing for
the welfare of the Indians, Fernando himself ac-
companied the expedition. " For," as it is said,
^^ as he went with them, they did not dare to do
any mischief to the peaceable natives, nor to seize
them, nor to put them in bonds." It is impossible
not to give Fernando Pizarro credit for a stern
sense of duty, when we find him ready to offend
friends and enemies alike, by acts which could
only have been dictated by natural goodness of
heart, or by his regard for the orders he had re-
ceived from the home government, on behalf of the
Indians, when he was in Spain.

Fernando Pizarro had sent the young Almagro,
commonly called ^^ Almagro el mogo^^ to the Mar-

PTZARRO WEEPS FOB ALMAGRO. 303

quis^ who did not fail to give the young man
comforting assurances respecting his father's life.
After a time, the Marquis, thinking that it would
be necessary for him to set affairs in order at
Cusco, as Fernando Pizarro was going to Spain,
proceeded from Los Reyes to that city. It was
not until he reached the bridge of Aban9ay that
he heard of the condemnation and execution of
Almagro. Casting down his eyes, he remained
for a long time looking on the ground, and weep-
ing. There have been writers who supposed that
the Marquis had sanctioned Almagro's death ; but
there is no ground whatever for such a supposi-
tion, and there is no doubt that the tears shed by
him for his old comrade were tears of genuine
sorrow. Had he left Los Reyes earlier, the mis-
chief would have been averted. When he reached
Cusco, the Marquis found both his brothers absent,
as they were engaged in an important expedition
amongst the Indians in the vicinity of the great
lake of Titicaca. After his return from this en-
terprise, Fernando Pizarro quitted Peru for Spain,
in order to give his Majesty an account of what
had taken place ; but several friends of Almagro,
amongst them Diego de Alvarado, to whom Al-

304 FERNANDO IN SPAIN

mao^ro had committed the execution of his last
wishes, had reached Spain before Fernando Pi-
zarro. A suit was instituted against Fernando ;
and Diego de Alvarado challenged him to mortal
combat, which was prevented by the sudden death
of the challenger. Fernando Pizarro, however,
was not freed from the suit. One of the principal
charges against him was his having given liberty
to Manco Inca, which was alleged to have been
the cause of the Indian revolt. In this matter,
however, he was only so far to blame that he had
been indulgent to the Inca, and had permitted
him to go out of the city of Cusco to make certain
sacrifices to his father. For the death of Almagro,
which was the next great charge against Fer-
nando Pizarro, his motives have been already
given. Fernando Pizarro failed, however, to
exculpate himself; and, being deprived of the
habit of Santiago, he was detained in prison at
Medina del Campo for twenty-three years. Being
at last freed, he retired to his estate in the
country, where he died, having attained the great
age of one hundred years. It was a melancholy
ending for so renowned a man, and one who, to
the best of his ability and understanding, had

HIS IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH. 305

laboured largely for the Crown. Still, it must be
admitted that the events which followed in Peru
formed a standing condemnation of the harshness
of his conduct in prohibiting the appeal of Alma-
gro to the Emperor, a harshness which in his long
years of durance (how wearisome to so impatient
a spirit !) he must have had ample time to under-
stand and to regret.

CHAPTER VII.

The Marquis and the Men of Chili — Gonzalo Pizarro
discovers the Amazon — The Conspiracy of Almagro's
Friends — The Marquis Pizarro is murdered hy the Men
of Chili.

HE Marquis now remained the sole
posessor of supreme authority through-
out the empire of Peru. His brother
Fernando, fearing lest Almagro's son should prove
a centre of faction, had, before his departure,
urged the Marquis to send the young man to
Spain ; but Pizarro did not listen to this prudent
advice. Neither was his treatment of the con-
quered party judicious in other respects. Not
knowing the maxim of Machiavelli, that in such
cases it is better to destroy than to impoverish,
Pizarro left Almagro's men, the men of Chili, in

THE MEN OF CHILL 307

poverty and idleness; but scorned to persecute
them. Finding, however, that they resorted to
the house of young Almagro, the Marquis was
persuaded by his counsellors to deprive him of his
Indians. The men of Chili fell into the most
abject poverty, and there is a story that seven of
them, who messed together, had only one cloak
among them. And these were men who had been
accustomed to command, who had known many
vicissitudes of prosperity and adversity, and were
not likely to accept any misfortune as if it were
final. One attempt Pizarro made to aid and
favour these dangerous persons, but his overtures
were then coldly rejected by them. They were
waiting, with a patient desire for vengeance, the
arrival of a judge from Spain, named Vaca de
Castro, from whom they expected the condemna-
tion of those who had been concerned in the death
of Almagro.

Meanwhile the Marquis pursued his course of
conquering new territories and founding new
cities. He despatched Pedro de Valdivia to
Chili, and he, succeeding where Almagro failed,
has always been considered the conqueror of that
country. The Marquis sent his brother Gonzalo

308 AN EXPEDITION OF DISCOVERY.

to the southern district of CoUao, conquered that
territory in which lay the mines of PotosI, and
gave rich repartimientos to his brothers, Gonzalo
and Martin, and their followers.

After all his conquests, it was but a strip of
sea-board that Pizarro occupied and governed,
when compared with the boundless regions of
South America, even to this day but sparsely
occupied or ruled over by civilized man. The
Marquis, however, now originated an enterprise,
which, leading men to the eastern side of the
Andes, was to make them acquainted with regions
of the New World far more extensive than had
ever yet been discovered in any single enterprise
by land. There was a region where cinnamon-
trees were known to abound, and it was into this
cinnamon country, neighbouring to Quito, that
the Marquis sent his brother Gonzalo, at the
end of the year 1539.. In order to facilitate
the enterprise, the Marquis bestowed on his
brother the government of Quito. Gonzalo set
out from Quito in January, 1540, with three hun-
dred Spaniards and four thousand Indians. The
sufferings the expedition went through, even from
the commencement of the march, were intense.

TREACHERY OF ORELLANA. 309

Nevertheless, with the patience and perseverance
of a Pizarro, Gonzalo toiled on, being always fore-
most in the work, whether it was cutting down
timber, making charcoal, or labouring at the forge.
At last they came to a large river; and there
they resolved to build a brigantine, and launch it
upon the waters. They now thought their labours
were over : G onzalo manned the brigantine with
fifty soldiers, placing at their head a captain of
good repute, Francisco de Orellana. They had
learned from some Indians that, ten days' journey
down, this river joined another large river. The
brigantine was to go down to this point, leave
there the sick and the baggage, and return with
provisions for the main body of the expedition.
The voyage was commenced, but Orellana never
returned to them. He stole off with the bri-
gantine and, proceeding down the river, was the
first to traverse that vast continent. At the
end of his voyage of two thousand five hundred
miles, he found himself in the Atlantic, nearly
at the same degree of latitude at which he had
started.

Meanwhile Gonzalo, finding Orellana did not
return, constructed some canoes and rafts, and

310 PIZARRO'S PERIL

journeying partly by land, and partly by water,
contrived in two months to reach the junction of
the rivers, where he learned the treachery of
Orellana from a Spaniard he had put ashore there.
This great river, now known by the name of the
Amazon, was then called, after its discoverer,
the Orellana. The honour and fame of the
discovery belongs really to the Pizarros, to the
Marquis, — the old discoverer of Peru, who
had pondered so long upon what Comogre's
son had to tell of the riches of the south, —
for originating the enterprise, and to Gonzalo
next, by whose much-enduring perseverance the
expedition was led on, through so much difficulty,
to its banks.

But, while Gonzalo was in these straits, robbed
by Orellana of fame, and left almost to perish
from want, his brother and chief was in still
greater peril at Los Reyes. His untiring enemies,
the men of Chili, were all this time unsoothed and
discontented, and therefore dangerous. The head
of the defeated faction was a resolute and clever
soldier, Juan de Eada, who had been major-domo
in the household of the Mariscal. This man took
the young Almagro, a youth of eighteen or nine-

FROM THE MEN OF CHILI 311

teen, under his guardianship, and entirely managed
the affairs of the men of Chili.

They were now doubly disappointed and dis
contented, because they had found that the judge
whom they were expecting from Spain, to avenge
the death of Almagro and to do justice to his
cause, was not entrusted with powers to con-
demn, but only with a commission to inquire,
and to transmit the result of his inquiries to
Spain. They had hoped to find an avenger in
him.

The men of Chili were no longer few in number.
There had gradually come into Los Reyes about
two hundred of them, — needy, disfavoured, dis-
contented men. Insults began to be interchanged
between the rival factions, — insults, as mostly
happened in these colonies, of a grotesque and
dramatic nature. One day, early in the morning,
the populace of Los Reyes were amused by seeing
three ropes suspended in the public pillory in the
great square. The upper end of one rope was so
placed as to point to the Marquis's palace, while
the house of his secretary, Juan Picado, and that
of his alcalde mayor. Doctor Velazquez, were
pointed at in a similar manner by the ends of the

in2 INTERCHANGE OF INSULTS.

other two ropes. The Marquis's friends saw in this
insult the handiwork of the men of Chili, and begged
the Marquis to punish them. The good-natured
Pizarro said that they already were suflSciently
punished in being poor, and conquered, and ridden
over. The Spanish blood of his followers, how-
ever, could not brook the insult they had received,
or desist from attempting to reply to it. Ac-
cordingly, the populace of Los Reyes were again
amused by seeing Antonio Picado ride through
the street where the young Almagro lived, wear-
ing a cap adorned with a gold medal that had a
silver fig embossed upon it, and a motto in these
words, " For the men of Chili." Great w^as the
wrath of the followers of Almagro at this absurd
insult.

The rumour that the men of Chili meditated
something desperate was rife even among the In-
dians, and the Marquis's friends warned him of
his danger. Besides, it was noticed that Juan de
Rada was buying a coat of mail. On the other
hand, it was observed by the men of Chili that
Pizarro had been purchasing lances.

Juan de Rada was sent for by Pizarro. The
Governor was in his garden, looking at ^ome orange-

DE RADA SENT FOR, 313

trees, when the leader of the men of Chili called

upon him. ^^ What is this, Juan de Eada/' said

the Marquis, ^^ that they tell me, of your buying

arms to kill me ? " " It is true, my lord, that I

have bought two cuirasses and a coat of mail to

defend myself." ^^Well," replied the Marquis,

" but what moves you to buy armour now, more

than at any other time ? " " Because they tell us,

and it is notorious, that your lordship is buying

lances to slay us all. Let your lordship finish

with us ; for, having commenced by destroying

the head, I do not know why you should have

any respect for the feet. It is also said that

your lordship intends to slay the judge who is

coming from Spain; but, if your intention is

such, and you are determined to put to death

the party of Almagro, at least spare Don Diego,

for he is innocent. Banish him, and I will go

with him wherever fortune may please to carry

us."

The Marquis was enraged at these words.

'^ Who has made you believe such great villainy

and treachery of me?" he exclaimed; "I never

thought of such a thing, and I am more desirous

than you that this judge should come, who already

314 DE B ADA'S EXPLANATION.

would be here, if he had embarked in the galleon
I sent for him. As to the story of the spears, the
other day I went hunting, and amongst the whole
party there was not one who had a spear. I
ordered my servants to buy one ; and they have
bought four. Would to God, Juan de Rada,
the judge were here, so that these things might
have an end, and that God may make the truth
manifest ! "

" By heaven, my lord ! " replied Juan de Eada,
somewhat softened by the Governor's response,
'^ but they have made me get into debt for more
than five hundred pesos^ which I have spent in
buying armour, and so I have a coat of mail to
defend myself against whoever may wish to slay
me." " Please God, Juan de Rada, I shall do
nothing of the kind," responded the Marquis.
The conference ended thus, and Juan de Rada
was going, when Pizarro's jester, who was stand-
ing by, said, ^^ Why don't you give him some of
these oranges?" As they were the first that
were grown in that country, they were much
esteemed. ^^ You say well," replied the Marquis ;
and he gathered six of them, and gave them to
Juan de Rada, adding that he should tell him if

PIZARRO WARNED OF HIS DANGER, 315

he wanted anything. They then separated ami-
cably^ Juan de Rada kissing the Governor's hands
as he took leave.

This interview reassured Pizarro, but did not
divert the conspirators from their designs. Again
and again Pizarro was warned. Twice he received
intelligence from a certain clerigo in whom one of
the conspirators had confided. Others gave the
Marquis the same information, but he contented
himself with giving orders, in a lukewarm manner,
to his alcalde mayor to arrest the principal men of
Chili. This officer replied, that his lordship need
have no fear as long as he held the rod of office in
his hand.

The next day was Sunday, June 26, 1541.
Pizarro did not go to mass, probably from some
fear of being attacked. When mass was ended the
principal inhabitants called upon the Marquis; but,
after paying their respects, went away, leaving him
with his brother Martin, his alcalde mayor, and
Francisco de Chaves, an intimate friend.

Meanwhile the conspirators were collected to-
gether in the house of Don Diego Almagro. No-
thing was resolved upon as to the day on which
they were to make the attack, and Juan de Rada

316 THE CONSPIRATORS ACT.

was sleeping, when a certain Pedro de San Millan
entered, and exclaimed, ^^ What are you about ?
In two hours' time they are coming to cut us
to pieces, for so the treasurer Kiquelme has just
said." This was probably a version of the fact that
Pizarro had ordered the arrest of the principal
conspirators.

There is a strong family-likeness in conspiracies.
For a time there is much indecision, until some
imminent peril to the conspirators hastens the re-
sult, and determines the hour of the deed. Juan
de Rada sprang from his bed, armed himself, and
addressed a short speech to his followers, urging
them to avenge the death of Almagro, to aspire
to dominion in Peru, and, if these motives weighed
not with them, at least to strike a blow in order
to protect themselves against a pressing danger.
This speech was received with acclamations, and
immediate action was resolved upon. The first
thing the conspirators did was to hang out a
white flag from the window, as a signal to their
accomplices that they must arm and come to their
assistance. They then sallied forth. It is pro-
bable, as it was mid-day, that there were not
many persons in the streets or in the great square.

THEY ENTER PIZARRO'S HOUSE. 317

The conspirators shouted ^^ Down with the tyrant
traitor who has caused the judge to be killed
whom the King has sent." The few persons who
noticed the march of this furious band merely
observed to one another, " They are going to kill
PIcado or the Marquis." As they entered the
great square, one of them, named Gomez Perez,
made a slight detour. In order to avoid a little
pool of water, which by chance had been spilt
there from some conduit. Juan de Rada splashed
through the pool, went straight to the dainty
person, and said to him, " We are going to bathe
ourselves In human blood, and you hesitate to dip
your feet In water. You are not a man for this
business: go back." Nor did he suffer him to
proceed further.

The conspirators gained the house of PIzarro
without opposition. It was strong, having two
courts and a great gate. The Marquis was not
entirely surprised. His brother Martin, the al-
calde Doctor Velazquez, and Francisco de Chaves,
had dined with him. The dinner was just over,
when some of his Indians rushed In to give him
notice of the approach of the men of Chill. He
ordered Francisco de Chaves to shut to the door

318 DE CHAVES SLAIN.

of the hall, and of the apartment in which they
were. That officer, supposing that it was some
riot among the soldiers, which his authority would
quell, went out to meet them, and found the con-
spirators coming up the staircase. They fell upon
him at once, slew him, and threw the body down
the stairs. Those who were in the dining hall,
chiefly servants, rushed out to ascertain what was
the matter; but, seeing Francisco de Chaves
lying dead, fled back, and threw themselves out
of the window, which opened upon the garden.
Amongst them was Doctor Velazquez, who, as he
leaped from the window, held his wand of office
in his mouth ; so that it was afterwards jestingly
said, that he was right in telling his master
the Marquis that he was safe as long as he.
Doctor Velazquez, held the rod of office in his
hands.

The conspirators pressed through the hall to the
room where the Marquis himself was. He had
found time to throw off* his purple robe, to put on
a cuirass, and to seize a spear. In this extremity
there were by his side his half-brother, Francis
Martin de Alcantara, a gentleman named Don
Gomez de Luna (not hitherto mentioned), and

THE MARQUIS ATTACKED. 319

two pages. Pizarro was then about seventy
years old. He had commanded small companies
of Spaniards^ making head on the field against
innumerable Indians, and had felt no doubt about
the result. But now, with two men and two
lads, he had to contend for his life against nine-
teen practised soldiers. The heroic courage of
the Marquis did not desert him at this last
moment. He fought valiantly, while he de-
nounced, in the boldest words, the treachery and
the villainy of his assailants. They only ex-
claimed : — ^^ Kill him ! kill him ! let us not waste
our time." Thus the mortal contest raged for a
short period. At length Juan de Rada thrust one
of his companions forward upon Pizarro's spear,
and gained an entrance into the room. The com-
bat was now soon closed. Martin de Alcantara,
Don Gomez de Luna, and the two pages, fell
slain by the side of Pizarro, who still continued to
defend himself. At last, a wound in the throat
brought him to the ground. While lying there,
he made the sign of a cross upon the ground, and
kissed it. He was still alive, and was asking for
a confessor, when some base fellow dashed a jug
upon his prostrate face ; and, on receiving that

320 DEATH OF PIZAERO.

contemptible blow, the patient endurer of weari-
some calamities, the resolute discoverer of long-
hidden lands, the stern conqueror of a powerful
nation, breathed his last.

THE END*

OHfSWICK press; PRINTED BY WHITTINGHAM AND WILKINS,

TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.

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THE LIFE OF
PIZARRO

by
ARTHUR HELPS

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